LETTERS 

FROM  A  FARMER  IN 
PENNSYLVANIA. 


HE     AFRIQTIC       MERICAN    ARMER 

J-N  D-K-NS — :x   ErStj1'  BARRISTER  at  LAT 

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LETTERS 

FROM 

A  FARMER  in  Pennsylvania^ 
TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF 
THE  BRITISH  COLONIES 

BY 


WITH     AN    HISTORICAL    INTRODUCTION 
BY 

R.  T.  H.  HALSEY 


ft 


NEW    YORK 

THE    OUTLOOK     COMPANY 
1903 


-^fr 


f 


Copyright,    1903 
By  R.  T.  H.  HALSEY 


TO   THE    MEMORY 

OF  ONE  WHO  LOVED  HER  COUNTRY 

AND  ALL  THAT  PERTAINED 

TO    ITS    HISTORY 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


K 


INTRODUCTION xvii 

NOTES xlix 

LETTER   I 5 

>•  LETTER   II 13 

v  LETTER   III 27 

^LETTER  IV 37 

LETTER  V 47 

«•  LETTER  VI 59 

LETTER  VII 67 

<  LETTER  VIII 79 

LETTER  IX 87 


xii  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


^LETTER  X 101 

LETTER   XI 117 

^  LETTER  XII 133 

LETTER  OF  THANKS  FROM  THE  TOWN 

OF  BOSTON 147 


I  LLUSTRATIONS. 

THE  PATRIOTIC  AMERICAN  FARMER 
J-N    D-K-NS-N,   Esqr,    Barrister-at- 

Law Frontispiece 

Photogravure  on  copper. 

INITIAL    LETTER   FROM  THE    PENN 
SYLVANIA  CHRONICLE  OF  1768  .      .  Title 

Line  etching  on  copper. 

CHELSEA  DERBY  PORCELAIN  STATU 
ETTE  OF   CATHERINE    MACAULAY    xliii 

Bierstadt  process  color  print. 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 

IN  the  issue  of  the  PENNSYLVANIA 
CHRONICLE  AND  UNIVERSAL  ADVER 
TISER  of  November  3 oth— December  3d, 
1767,  appeared  the  first  of  twelve  successive 
weekly  "  Letters  from  a  FARMER  in  Penn 
sylvania  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British 
Colonies"  in  which  the  attitude  assumed 
by  the  British  Parliament  towards  the 
American  Colonies  was  exhaustively  dis 
cussed.  So  extensive  was  their  popularity 
that  they  were  immediately  reprinted  in 
almost  all  our  Colonial  newspapers. 

The  outbursts  of  joy  throughout  America 
occasioned  by  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act 
had  scarcely  subsided  when,  the  protracted 
illness  of  Lord  Chatham  having  left  the 
Ministry  without  a  head,  the  indomitable 
Charles  Townsend,  to  the  amazement  of  his 
colleagues  and  unfeigned  delight  of  his 
King,  introduced  measure  after  measure 
under  the  pretence  that  they  were  de 
manded  by  the  necessities  of  the  Ex 
chequer  ;  but  in  reality  for  the  purpose  of 
demonstrating  the  supremacy  of  the  power 
of  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  over  her 
colonies  in  America.  Among  these  Acts 
were  those  which  provided  for  the  billeting 
of  troops  in  the  various  colonies ;  others 


xviii         INTRODUCTION. 

called  for  duties  upon  glass,  lead,  paint,  oil, 
tea,  etc.  Of  dire  portent  was  the  provision 
therein,  that  the  revenues  thus  obtained  be 
used  for  the  maintenance  of  a  Civil  List 
in  America,  and  for  the  payment  of  the 
salaries  of  the  Royal  Governors  and  Justices, 
salaries  which  had  hitherto  been  voted  by 
the  various  Assemblies.  The  Assembly  of 
New  York,  having  failed  to  comply  strictly 
with  the  letter  of  the  law  in  regard  to  the 
billeting  of  the  King's  troops,  was  punished 
by  having  its  legislative  powers  suspended. 
This  action  boded  ill  for  the  future  of  any 
law-making  body  in  America  which  should 
fail  to  carry  out  strictly  any  measure  upon 
which  the  British  Parliament  might  agree. 
The  Colonies  needed  a  common  ground  on 
which  to  meet  in  their  opposition  to  these 
arbitrary  Acts  of  Parliament.  The  deeds  of 
violence  and  the  tumultuous  and  passionate 
harangues  in  the  northern  colonies  met 
with  little  sympathy  among  a  large  class  in 
the  middle  and  southern  colonies,  who, 
while  chafing  under  the  attacks  upon  their 
liberties,  hesitated  to  favor  resistance  to  the 
home  government  because  of  their  unswerv 
ing  loyalty  to  their  King  and  their  love  for 
the  country  to  whom  and  to  which  they 
owed  allegiance.  To  these  "  The  Farmer  " 
appealed  when  he  wrote,  "The  cause  of 
liberty  is  a  cause  of  too  much  dignity  to  be 
slighted  by  turbulence  and  tumult.  It 
ought  to  be  maintained  in  a  manner  suitable 


INTRODUCTION.          xix 

to  her  nature,  those  who  engage  in  it  should 
breathe  a  sedate  yet  fervent  spirit  animat 
ing  them  to  addons  of  prudence,  justice, 
modesty,  bravery,  humanity  and  magnani 
mity."  The  convincing  logic  of  these  let 
ters  clearly  proved  that  the  constitutional 
rights  belonging  to  Englishmen  were  being 
trampled  upon  in  the  colonies,  and  fur 
nished  a  platform  upon  which  all  those  who 
feared  their  liberties  were  endangered  could 
unite. 

Under  the  date  of  the  fifth  of  November, 
1 767,  the  seventy-ninth  anniversary  of  the 
day  on  which  the  landing  of  William  the 
Third  at  Torbay  gave  constitutional  lib 
erty  to  all  Englishmen,  John  Dickinson,  of 
Pennsylvania  (for  before  long  it  became 
known  that  he  was  the  illustrious  author), 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  his  "  beloved  country 
men,"  called  attention  to  the  lack  of  interest 
shown  by  the  Colonies  in  the  act  suspend 
ing  the  legislative  powers  of  New  York,  and 
logically  pointed  out  that  the  precedent 
thereby  established  was  a  blow  at  the  lib 
erty  of  all  the  other  Colonies,  laying  partic 
ular  emphasis  upon  the  danger  of  mutual 
inattention  by  the  Colonies  to  the  interests 
of  one  another. 

The  education  and  training  of  the  author 
well  qualified  him  to  handle  his  subject. 
Born  in  1732  on  his  ancestral  plantation  on 
the  eastern  shore  of  Maryland,  from  early 
youth  John  Dickinson  had  had  the  advanta- 


xx  INTRODUCTION. 

ges  of  a  classical  education.*  His  nineteenth 
year  found  him  reading  law  in  a  lawyer's 
office  in  Philadelphia.  Three  years  later, 
he  sailed  for  England,  where  he  devoted 
four  important  years  to  study  at  the  Middle 
Temple,  and  then  and  there  obtained  that 
knowledge  of  English  common  law  and 
constitutional  history,  and  imbibed  the  tra 
ditions  of  liberty  belonging  to  Englishmen 
on  which  he  later  founded  his  plea  for  the 
resistance  of  the  Colonies  to  the  ministerial 
attacks  upon  their  liberty.  On  his  return 
home  he  took  up  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion  at  Philadelphia,  and  immediately  won 
for  himself  a  high  place  at  the  Bar.  Elected 
in  1760  a  member  of  the  Assembly  of  Del 
aware,  his  reputation  for  ability  and  politi 
cal  discernment  gained  him  its  speakership. 
In  1762  he  became  a  member  of  the  As 
sembly  of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  acquired 
great  prominence  and  unpopularity,  which 
later  cost  him  his  seat  in  that  body,  on  ac 
count  of  his  opposition  to  the  Assembly's 
sending  a  petition  to  the  King  praying  that 
the  latter  "  would  resume  the  government  of 
the  province,  making  such  compensation  to 
the  proprietaries  as  would  be  equitable,  and 
permitting  the  inhabitants  to  enjoy  under 
the  new  government  the  privileges  that  have 
been  granted  to  them  by  and  under  your 
Royal  ministries." 

*  "  The    Life    and    Times  of  John  Dickinson,"  by 
Charles  J.  Stille. 


INTRODUCTION.          xxi 

Possibly  Dickinson's  knowledge  of  the 
personality  of  the  Ministry  and  the  domi 
nant  spirits  in  English  political  circles 
gained  while  abroad,  led  him  bitterly  to 
attack  this  measure,  fathered  and  supported 
by  Franklin,  for  subsequent  events  soon 
showed  the  far-sightedness  which  led  him 
to  distrust  the  wisdom  of  a  demand  for  the 
revoking  of  the  Proprietary  Charter,  even 
though  it  were  a  bad  one.  His  part  in  the 
controversy  forced  even  his  bitterest  oppo 
nents  to  admire  his  ability.  The  enormous 
debt  incurred  by  Great  Britain  during  the 
then  recent  war  with  France  led  the  Minis 
try  to  look  for  some  way  of  lightening  tax 
ation  at  home.  It  was  decided  that  Amer 
ica  must  pay  a  share  toward  lifting  the 
burden  resting  heavily  on  those  in  England, 
caused  by  the  financing  of  the  expenses  of 
a  war  which  drove  France  from  North 
America.  The  fact  that  the  colonies  had 
furnished,  equipped  and  maintained  in  the 
field  twenty-five  thousand  troops  and  had 
incurred  debts  far  heavier  in  proportion 
than  those  at  home  was  forgotten.  In  1764 
was  passed  the  "  Sugar  Act,"  which  ex 
tended  and  enlarged  the  Navigation  Acts 
and  made  England  the  channel  through 
which  not  only  all  European,  but  also  all 
Asiatic  trade  to  and  from  the  colonies  must 
flow.  At  the  same  time  an  announcement 
was  made  that  "Stamp  Duties"  would  be 
added  later  on.  The  next  year  from  Dick- 


xxii         INTRODUCTION. 

inson's  pen  appeared  a  pamphlet  entitled 
-THE  LATE  REGULATIONS  RESPECT 
ING  THE  BRITISH  COLONIES  ON  THE 
CONTINENT  OF  AMERICA  CONSIDERED, 
in  a  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  PHILADEL 
PHIA  to  his  Friend  in  LONDON,"  in  which 
these  late  regulations  and  proposed  measures 
were  discussed  entirely  from  an  economic 
standpoint.  In  it  was  clearly  shown  how  de 
pendent  were  the  manufacturers  and  traders 
in  England  for  their  prosperity  upon  the 
trade  of  the  colonies  and  that  any  restraint 
of  American  trade  would  naturally  curtail 
the  ability  of  those  in  the  colonies  to  pur 
chase  from  the  home  market.  The  Stamp 
Act  was  opposed  on  the  ground  that  the 
already  impoverished  colonies  would  be 
drained  of  all  their  gold  and  silver  which 
necessarily  would  have  to  go  abroad  in  the 
payment  for  the  stamps.  This  letter  was 
conciliatory  and  persuasive,  yet  in  the  clos 
ing  pages  Dickinson  asked  : 

"  What  then  can  we  do  ?  Which  way 
shall  we  turn  ourselves?  How  may  we 
mitigate  the  miseries  of  our  country  ?  Great 
Britain  gives  us  an  example  to  guide  us  ? 
SHE  TEACHES  us  TO  MAKE  A  DISTINCTION 
BETWEEN  HER  INTERESTS  AND  OUR  OWN. 

"  Teaches  !  She  requires — commands — 
insists  upon  it — threatens — compels — and 
even  distresses  us  into  it. 

"  We  have  our  choice  of  these  two 
things — to  continue  our  present  limited  and 


INTRODUCTION.        xxiii 

disadvantageous  commerce — or  to  promote 
manufactures  among  ourselves,  with  a  habit 
of  economy,  and  thereby  remove  the  neces- 
sity  we  are  now  under  of  being  supplied  by 
Great  Britain. 

"  It  is  not  difficult  to  determine  which 
of  these  things  is  most  eligible.  Could  the 
last  of  them  be  only  so  far  executed  as  to 
bring  our  demand  for  British  manufactures 
below  the  profits  of  our  foreign  trade,  and 
the  amount  of  our  commodities  immedi 
ately  remitted  home,  these  colonies  might 
revive  and  flourish.  States  and  families  are 
enriched  by  the  same  means  ;  that  is,  by 
being  so  industrious  and  frugal  as  to  spend 
less  than  what  they  raise  can  pay  for." 

The  various  Non-Importation  Agree 
ments  signed  during  the  next  ten  years,  bear 
testimony  to  the  popularity  of  the  proposed 
plan. 

This  pamphlet  circulated  freely  and  in 
creased  Dickinson's  reputation  as  that  of  a 
man  capable  of  thoroughly  discussing  public 
measures  ;  it  also  brought  his  name  to  the 
attention  of  the  British  public  for  whom  the 
"  Letter  "  was  especially  written. 

At  the  call  of  Massachusetts,  representa 
tives  of  nine  of  the  colonies  met  in  New 
York  in  October,  1764,  and  after  a  long 
discussion  (in  which  Dickinson's  knowledge 
of  constitutional  law  and  English  colonial 
policy  enabled  him  to  assume  the  leader 
ship)  issued  a  "  Declaration  of  Rights,"  in 


xxiv         INTRODUCTION. 

which  it  was  asserted  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Colonies,  standing  on  their  rights  as 
Englishmen,  could  not  be  taxed  by  the 
House  of  Commons  while  unrepresented  in 
that  body.  Memorials  were  sent  abroad 
protesting  against  the  proposed  acts,  ex 
pressing,  however,  their  willingness  to  meet 
loyally  as  in  the  past  any  properly  accredited 
requisitions  for  funds  sent  to  the  various 
Assemblies.  Notwithstanding  this  opposi 
tion,  and  the  protests  of  all  friends  of  Amer 
ica  in  England,  the  Stamp  Act  was  passed. 
A  year  later  it  was  repealed. 

Written  in  a  plain,  pure  style,  with  il 
lustrations  and  arguments  drawn  from  eccle 
siastical,  classical  and  English  history,  each 
point  proven  with  telling  accuracy  and  con 
vincing  logic,  conciliatory  to  the  English 
people,  and  filled  with  expressions  of  loyalty 
to  the  King,  these  essays,  popularly  known 
as  the  "Farmer's  Letters,"  furnished  the 
basis  on  which  all  those  who  resented  the 
attacks  on  their  liberty  were  able  to  unite. 
Town  meetings  *  and  Assemblies  vied  with 
each  other  in  their  resolutions  of  thanks. 
The  "  Letters"  were  published  immediately 
in  book  form  in  Philadelphia  (three  different 
•  editions),  New  York,  Boston  (two  different 
editions),  Williamsburgh,  London  (with  a 
preface  written  by  Franklin),  and  Dublin. 

*  The  "  Address  from  the  Town  of  Providence," 
printed  from  the  original  manuscript,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Notes,  page  li. 


JUST  PUBLISHED. 

Printed  on  a  large  Type,  and  fine  Paper, 
And  to  be  sold  at  the  LONDON  BOOK  STORE 


North  Side  of  King-street 


L  E  r  r  E  R  s 

FROM 

A  FARMER  in  PENNSYLVANIA 

To  the  INHABITANTS  of  the 
BRITISH    COLONIES. 

(Price  two  Pistareens} 

Among  all  the  WRITERS  in  favor  of  the  COLONIES, 
the  FARMER  shines  unrivalled,  for  strength  of  Argument, 
Elegance  of  Diction,  Knoiu ledge  in  the  Laws  of  Great  Bri 
tain,  and  the  true  interest  of  the  COLONIES  :  A  pathetic 
and  persuasive  eloquence  runs  thro  the  whole  of  these 
Letters :  They  have  been  printed  in  every  Colony  from  Flo 
rida  to  Nova  Scotia ;  and  the  universal  applause  so  justly 
bestowed  on  the  AUTHOR,  hath  fully  testified  the  GRA 
TITUDE  of  the  PEOPLE  OF  AMERICA,  for  such  an 
able  ddviser  and  affectionate  Friend. 


xxvi         INTRODUCTION. 

Franklin  was  influential,  also,  in  having 
them  translated  into  French,  and  published 
on  the  Continent.  Owing  to  the  beauty  of 
its  typography  and  the  excellence  of  its 
book-making,  the  Boston  edition,  published 
by  Messrs.  Mein  &  Fleeming,  has  been  se 
lected  for  republication,  and  has  been  re 
printed  line  for  line  and  page  for  page,  in 
a  type  varying  but  slightly  from  that  used 
by  Mein  &  Fleeming.  A  few  typographi 
cal  errors  have  been  corrected,  but  the  ir 
regularities  in  spelling,  wherever  they  exist 
throughout  the  various  editions,  have  been 
retained.  The  binding  also  is  a  reproduc 
tion  of  that  of  the  original.  Its  publication  * 
was  announced  in  the  "Boston  Chronicle," 
March  14-21,  1768,  by  the  advertisement 
reprinted  on  the  preceding  page. 

Valuable  as  these  "  Letters "  were  at 
home  in  uniting  all  factions  in  their  meas 
ures  of  resistance,  yet  their  influence  abroad 
was  of  even  more  far-reaching  effect.  Re 
printed  in  London  in  June,  1768,  this  two- 
shilling  pamphlet  quickly  circulated  through 
coffee-house  and  drawing-room.  In  minis 
terial  circles  the  "  Farmer  "  caused  great 
indignation.  In  a  letter  from  Franklin, 
addressed  to  his  son,  dated  London,  I3th  of 
March,  1768,  appears  the  following:  "My 
Lord  Hillsborough  mentioned  the  *  Farm 
er's  Letters  '  to  me,  said  that  he  had  read 

*  Two  weeks  later  a  letter  of  thanks  voted  by  the 
town  of  Boston  was  added  to  this  edition. 


INTRODUCTION.       xxvii 

them,  that  they  were  well  written,  and  he 
believed  he  could  guess  who  was  the  author, 
looking  in  my  face  at  the  same  time,  as  if 
he  thought  it  was  me.  He  censured  the 
doctrines  as  extremely  wild.  I  have  read 
them  as  far  as  Number  8.  I  know  not  if 
any  more  have  been  published.  I  should, 
however,  think  they  had  been  written  by 
Mr.  Delancey,  not  having  heard  any  men 
tion  of  the  others  you  point  out  as  joint 
authors." 

Groaning  under  their  own  heavy  taxa 
tion,  the  troubles  of  America  had  hitherto 
appealed  but  slightly  to  the  average  English 
man  and  the  sympathies  of  the  English 
people  had  become  involved  in  the  long- 
drawn-out  struggles  of  Wilkes  to  obtain  his 
constitutional  rights.  The  press  published 
little  American  news.  America  was  little 
discussed ;  conditions  there  were  practically 
unknown  to  all  but  the  trading  class,  whose 
members  had  prospered  through  the  mon 
opoly  of  the  constantly  increasing  commerce 
with  the  growing  colonies.  This  class, 
naturally  fearing  the  loss  of  the  magnificent 
trade  which  had  been  built  up,  had  long 
bemoaned  the  constantly  increasing  friction 
between  the  two  factions  on  each  side  of 
the  water.  Englishmen  in  general  had 
hitherto  paid  little  attention  to  the  debates 
over  the  various  acts  raising  revenue  from 
the  colonies.  From  the  time  the  "  Farm 
er's  Letters "  were  published  in  England 


•  r-  -•--  -* 
...-;.-,  i   ;    y 


xxviii      INTRODUCTION. 

the  differences  between  Parliament  and 
colonies  were  better  understood  there. 
Untouched  and  yet  alarmed  by  the  political 
corruption  so  prevalent  at  the  time,  thinking 
men  saw  in  these  "  Letters  "  a  warning  that 
if  their  Sovereign  was  successful  in  his 
attempt  to  take  away  constitutional  liberty 
from  their  fellow  Englishmen  across  the 
sea,  their  own  prized  liberty  at  home  was 
in  danger.  "American"  news  became 
more  frequent  in  the  newspapers,  "  Letters 
to  the  Printer,"  the  form  of  editorials  of 
the  day,  discussed  and  criticised  the  meas 
ures  of  Parliament  with  great  freedom. 
To  the  masses,  John  Dickinson's  name  soon 
became  very  familiar  through  the  agency 
of  the  press,  which  under  date  of  June  26— 
28,  1768,  freely  noted  Isaac  Barre's  char 
acterization  in  the  House  of  Commons  of 
Dickinson  as  "  a  man  who  was  not  only  an 
ornament  to  his  country  but  an  honor  to 
human  nature."  Almost  immediately  after 
the  publication  of  the  London  edition,  the 
Monthly  Review  of  July,  1768,  forcibly 
called  the  attention  of  the  literary  world  to 
the  "  Farmer's  Letters  "  in  an  exhaustive 
review  which  is  reprinted  in  the  Notes,  page 
liii,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  view  held 
by  the  English  Whigs  regarding  the  doc 
trines  laid  down  and  arguments  used  by 
Dickinson  in  defence  of  his  position. 

The  "  London  Chronicle,"  under  date  of 
September    ist,  1768,  printed    the   popular 


INTRODUCTION.        xxix 

Liberty  song,  written  by  Mr.  Dickinson, 
and  which,  set  to  the  inspiring  air  of 
"  Hearts  of  Oak,"  was  being  sung  through 
out  the  colonies.  In  order  to  give  the 
accompanying  letter  of  request  for  the  re- 
publication  of  the  song,  a  request  which, 
from  its  wording  demonstrates  the  enthusi 
asm  which  the  song  aroused,  the  latter  is 
here  reprinted  from  the  issue  of  the  Boston 
"Evening  Post"  of  August  22,  1768. 

MESSIRS    FLEETS 

The  following  SONG  being  now  much  in  Vogue 
and  of  late  is  heard  resounding  in  almost  all 
Companies  in  Town,  and  by  way  of  eminence 
called  "  The  Liberty  Song,"  you  are  desired  to  re- 
publish  in  your  'circulating'  Paper  for  the  Bene 
fit  of  the  whole  Continent  of  America. 

[To  the  Tune  of  Hearts  of  Oak.] 

Come,  join  Hand  in  Hand,  brave  Americans  all, 
And  rouse  your  bold  Hearts  at  fair  Liberty's  Call, 
No  tyrannous  Acts  shall  suppress  jour  just  Claim, 
Or  stain  with  dishonor  America's  Name. 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &  in  Freedom  we'll  live, 

Our  Purses  are  ready, 

Steady,  Friends,  Steady, 

Not  as  Slaves  but  as  Freemen  our   money  we'll 
give. 

Our  worthy  Forefathers— let's  give  them  a  Cheer — 
To  Climates  unknown  did  courageously  steer ; 
Thro'  Oceans  to  Deserts  for  Freedom  they  came, 
And  dying  bequeath'd  us  their  Freedom  &  Fame. 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &c. 


xxx          INTRODUCTION. 

Their  generous  Bosoms  all  Dangers  despis'd, 
So  highly,  so  wisely,  their  Birthrights  they  priz'd  ; 
We'll  keep  what  they  gave — we  will  piously  keep, 
Nor  frustrate  their  Toils  on  the  Land  or  the  Deep. 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &c. 

The  Tree  their  own  Hands  had  to  Liberty  rear'd, 
They  liv'd  to  behold  growing  strong  and  rever'd; 
With  Transport  then  cry'd,  '  now  our  Wishes  we 

gain, 
For  our  Children  shall  gather  the  Fruits  of  our 

Pain.' 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &c. 

Swarms  of  Placemen  and  Pensioners  soon  will  ap 
pear, 

Like  Locusts  deforming  the  Charms  of  the  Year; 
Suns  vainly  will  rise,  Showers  vainly  descend, 
If  we  are  to  drudge  for  what  others  shall  spend. 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &c. 

Then  join  Hand  in  Hand  brave  Americans  all, 
By  uniting  we  stand,  by  dividing  we  fall ; 
In  so  righteous  a  Cause  let  us  hope  to  succeed, 
For  Heaven  approves  of  each  generous  Deed. 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &c. 

All  Ages  shall  speak  with  amaze  and  applause, 
Of  the  courage  we'll  shew  in  support  of  our  laws; 
To  die  we  can  bear — but  to  serve  we  disdain— 
For   Shame  is   to   Freemen    more    dreadful    than 
Pain. 

In  freedom  we're  born,  &c. 

This  Bumper  I  crown  for  our  Sovereign's  Health, 
And  this  for  Britannia's  Glory  and  Wealth  ; 
That  Wealth  and  that  Glory  immortal  may  be, 
If  She  is  but  just — and  if  we  are  but  free. 


INTRODUCTION.         xxxi 

In  Freedom  we're  born,  &  in  Freedom  we'll  live, 

Our  Purses  are  ready, 

Steady,  Friends,  Steady, 

Not  as  Slaves,  but  as  Freemen  our   Money  we'll 
give. 

The  following  extract  from  the  London 
"  Chronicle  "  of  October  4,  1768,  demon 
strates  how  completely  the  arguments  and 
logic  of  the  "Farmer's  Letters"  gained  popu 
lar  approval ;  how  constantly  Dickinson's 
name  was  kept  before  the  public,  both  at 
home  and  abroad  ;  how  his  fame  was  toasted; 
how  he  was  recognized  as  the  leader  of 
political  thought  in  the  colonies.  It  shows 
also  the  constantly  increasing  interest  in 
American  matters  taken  by  the  press  of 
England  since  the  advent  of  the  "  Farmer's 
Letters,"  for  the  "American  News,"  pub 
lished  in  this  and  other  London  papers, 
was  extensively  reprinted  in  the  local  jour 
nals  throughout  the  kingdom. 

Taken  from  the  Boston,  in  New  England,  Evening 
Post  of  August  22,  1768 

On  Monday  the  fifteenth  instant,  the  anniver 
sary  of  the  ever  memorable  Fourteenth  of  August, 
was  celebrated  by  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  this 
Town,  with  extraordinary  festivity.  At  this  Dawn, 
the  British  Flag  was  displayed  on  the  Tree  of  Lib 
erty,  and  a  Discharge  of  Fourteen  Cannon,  ranged 
under  the  venerable  Elm,  saluted  the  joyous  Day. 
At  eleven  o'clock,  a  very  large  Company  of  the 
principal  Gentlemen  and  respectable  Inhabitants 
of  the  Town,  met  at  the  Hall  under  the  Tree, 


xxxii        INTRODUCTION. 

while  the  Streets  were  crowded  with  a  Concourse 
of  People  of  all  Ranks,  public  Notice  having  been 
given  of  the  intended  Celebration.  The  Musick 
began  at  high  Noon,  performed  on  various  Instru 
ments,  joined  with  Voices ;  and  concluding  with 
the  universally  admired  American  Song  of  Lib 
erty,  *  the  Grandeur  of  its  Sentiment,  and  the  easy 
Flow  of  its  Numbers,  together  with  an  exquisite 
Harmony  of  Sound,  afforded  sublime  Entertain 
ment  to  a  numerous  Audience,  fraught  with  a 
noble  Ardour  in  the  cause  of  Freedom  :  The  Song 
was  clos'd  with  the  Discharge  of  Cannon  and  a 
Shout  of  Joy  ;  at  the  same  time  the  Windows  of 
the  Neighbouring  Houses,  were  adorned  with  a 
brilliant  appearance  of  the  fair  Daughters  of  Lib 
erty,  who  testified  their  Approbation  by  Smiles  of 
Satisfaction.  The  following  Toasts  succeeded, 
viz. 

1.  Our  rightful  Sovereign  George  the  'Third. 

2.  'The  Queen,  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the  rest  of 

the  Royal  Family. 

j.  The  Sons  of  Liberty  throughout  the  World. 

4.  The  glorious  Administration  of  1766. 

5.  A  perpetual  Union  of  Great  Britain  and  her 

Colonies,  upon    the    immutable  Principles  of 
Justice  and  Equity. 

6.  May  the  sinister  Designs  of  Oppressors,  both 

in  Great  Britain  and  America,  be  for  ever 
defeated. 

7.  May  the  common  Rights  of  Mankind  be  estab 

lished  on  the  Ruin  of  all  their  Enemies. 


*The  Song  has  been  given  already  in  our  Chronicle. 

The  following  toasts  may  need  brief  explanation. — R.  T.  H.  H. : 
4.  The  Rockingham  Ministry  which  repealed  the  Stamp  Act. 


INTRODUCTION.      xxxiii 

8.  Paschal  Paoli  and  his  brave  Corsicans.     May 

they  never  want  the  Support  of  the  Friends  of 
Liberty. 

9.  The  memorable  i^th  of  August,  1765. 
10.  Magna  Charta,  and  the  Bill  of  Rights. 

T i.  A  speedy  Repeal  of  unconstitutional  Acts  of 
Parliament,  and  a  final  Removal  of  illegal  and 
oppressive  Officers. 

12.    The  Farmer. 

/j.  John  Wilkes,  Esq.;  and  all  independent  Mem 
bers  of  the  British  Parliament. 

14.  The  glorious  Ninety-Two  who  defended  the 
Rights  of  America,  uninfluenced  by  the  Man 
dates  of  a  Minister,  and  undaunted  by  the 
threats  of  a  Governor. 

Which  being  finished,  the  French  horns 
sounded  ;  and  after  another  discharge  of  the  can 
non,  compleating  the  number  Ninety-Two,  the 

8.  The  struggles  of  Paoli  and  the  Corsicans  excited  great  interest 
both  in  Great  Britain  and  America.      Constant  references  are  made 
to  these  in  the  "Letters." 

9.  The  day  of  the  demonstration   in  Boston  against  the  Stamp 
Officers.      Daybreak  disclosed  hanging  on  a  tree  an  effigy  of  the 
Stamp  Officer  Oliver      After  hanging  all  day,  at  nightfall  it  was 
taken  down  by  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  who  placed  it  on  a  bier  and  es 
corted  it  through  the  principal  streets  in  Boston  to  the  home  of  Oliver, 
where,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  people,  it  was  burned. 

12.    John  Dickinson. 

14.  On  the  nth  day  of  February,  1768,  the  Assembly  of  Mas 
sachusetts  adopted  and  sent  to  the  various  Colonial  Assemblies  a 
circular  letter  drawn  up  by  Samuel  Adams,  informing  them  of  the 
contents  of  a  petition  which  the  Massachusetts  Assembly  had  sent 
to  the  King.  This  letter  also  urged  united  action  against  the  op 
pressive  measures  of  the  Ministry,  and  gave  great  offense  to  the 
King  and  Ministry.  The  Secretary  for  the  Colonies,  Lord  Hills- 
borough,  instructed  Governor  Bernard  of  Massachusetts  to  order 
the  Assembly  to  rescind  this  letter,  and  in  case  of  refusal  to  dis 
solve  this  body.  After  a  thorough  discussion  this  request  was  re 
fused  by  a  vote  of  "  ninety-two  "  to  "seventeen." 


xxxiv       INTRODUCTION. 

gentlemen  in  their  carriages  repaired  to  the  Grey 
hound  Tavern  in  Roxbury,  where  a  frugal  and 
elegant  entertainment  was  provided.  The  music 
played  during  the  repast :  After  which  the  follow 
ing  toasts  were  given  out,  and  the  repeated  dis 
charge  of  cannon  spoke  the  general  assent. 

7.  The  King. 

2.  Queen  and  Royal  Family. 

j.  Lord  Cambden. 

4.  Lord  Chatham. 

5.  Duke  of  Richmond. 

6.  Marguis  of  Rockingham. 

7.  General  Conway. 

8.  Lord  Dartmouth. 

<?.  Earl  of  Chesterfield. 
10.   Colonel  Barre. 
77.   General  Howard. 


3.  A  strenuous  upholder  of  the  Constitutional  rights  of  the  Col 
onies  and  a  strong  defender  in  the  House  of  Lords  of  the  doctrine, 
"No  taxation  without  representation."  Contemporary  writers  fre 
quently  spelt  Camden's  name  as  above. 

5.  Another  friend  of  America  in  the  same  body. 

6.  Under  whose  ministry  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed. 

7.  The  leader  in  the  House  of  Commons  during  the  Rocking 
ham  Ministry. 

8.  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  in  the  Rockingham  Minis 
try,  much  loved  in  the  Colonies.    Dartmouth  College  bears  his  name. 

9.  A  warm  adherent  of  America. 

10.  The  companion  of  Wolfe  at  Quebec  ;  in  replying  to  Town- 
send  during  one  of  the  debates  over  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Acts 
he  characterized   the   Americans  as    "Sons   of  Liberty,"   a  term 
which  immediately  was   applied  throughout  the  Colonies  to  those 
who  were  resenting  the  interference  of  Parliament  with  their  home 
government. 

11.  A  member  of  Parliament  from  Stamford  who  was  active  in 
obtaining  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. 


INTRODUCTION.        xxxv 

12.  Sir  George  Saville. 
7j».  Sir  William  Meredith. 
/./.  Sir  William  Baker. 

75.  John  Wilkes,  Esq.,  and  a  Speedy  Reversal  of 
his  outlawry. 

16.   The  Farmer  of  Pennsylvania. 
//.   The  Massachusetts  Ninety-Two. 

18.  Prosperity  and  Perpetuity  to  the  British  Em 
pire,  on  Constitutional  Principles. 

ic).   North  America  :  And  her  fair  Daughters  of 
Liberty. 

20.  Theillustrious  Patriots  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland. 

21.  The    truly   heroic  Paschal  Paoli,  and  all  the 

brave  Corsicans. 

22.  The  downfall  of  arbitrary  and  despotic  Power 

in  all  Parts  of  the  Earth  ;  and  Liberty  with 
out  Licentiousness  to  all  mankind. 

23.  A  perpetual  Union  and  Harmony  between  Great 

Britain  and  the    Colonies^  on  the  Principles 
of  the  Original  Compact. 

24.  To  the  immortal  Memory   of  that   Hero   of 

Heroes  William  the  Third. 

25.  The  speedy  Establishment  of  a  wise  and  perma 

nent  administration. 


12.  Represented  Yorkshire  in  the  House  of  Commons  ;  a  strong 
supporter  of  the  Rockingham  Ministry. 

13.  Member  of  Parliament  from  Liverpool.      Lord  of  the  Ad 
miralty  during  the  Rockingham  Administration. 

14.  Also  energetic  in  securing  the  repeal  ot  the  Stamp  Act. 

15.  The  struggles  of  Wilkes  excited  keen  interest  in  America. 

1 6.  It  is  noted  that  this  was  the  second  time  Dickinson's  health 
was  drunk  that  day.       No  other  American  residing  in  this  country 
was  toasted. 

20.   In  Letter  X  Dickinson  warns  against  the  fate  of  Ireland. 


xxxvi       INTRODUCTION. 

26.  The  right  noble  Lords,  and  very  worthy  Com 

moners,  who  voted  for  the  Repeal  of  the  stamp 
Act  from  Principle. 

27.  Dennis    De    Berdt,  Esq ;    and  all  the    true 

Friends  of  America  in  Great  Britain,  and 
those  of  Great  Britain  in  America. 

28.  'The  respectable  'Towns  of  Salem,  Ipswich  and 

Marblehead,  with  all  the  Absentees  from  the 
late  Assembly,  and  their  constituents,  who 
have  publickly  approved  of  the  Vote  against 
Rescinding. 

29.  May  all  Patriots  be  as  wise  as  Serpents,  and 

as  harmless  as  Doves. 

jo.  The  Manufactories  of  North  America,  and 
the  Banishment  of  Luxury,  Dissipation  and 
other  Vices,  Foreign  and  Domestic. 

j/.  The  removal  of  all  Task-Masters,  and  an  ef 
fectual  Redress  of  all  other  Grievances. 

32.  The  Militia  of  Great  Britain  and  of  the  Col 
onies. 

jj.  As  Iron  sharpeneth  Iron,  so  may  the  Coun 
tenance  of  every  good  and  virtuous  Son  and 
Daughter  of  Liberty,  that  of  his  or  her 
Friend. 


27.  The  agent  of  Massachusetts  in  London. 

28.  Representatives  of  these  towns  voted  in  favor  of  rescinding. 
Town  meetings,    however,   were   held,    and  the   citizens  of  these 
places  recorded  themselves  as  endorsing  the   action  of  the  majority 
in    refusing    the    "Ministerial     Mandates"    and    condemned    the 
position  assumed  by  their  own  representatives.      In  letters  which  ap 
peared  in  the  press  a  number  of  absentees  from  the  Assembly  boldly 
endorsed  the  action  of  the  majority. 

30.    Referring  to  the  proposal  of  Dickinson  quoted  on  page  xxiii 
of  the  Introduction. 


INTRODUCTION,     xxxvii 

34.  The  Assemblies  on  this  vast  and  rapidly  popu 

lating  Continent^  who  have  treated  a  late 
haughty  and  "  merely  ministerial  "  Mandate 
"  with  all  that  Contempt  it  so  justly  deserves" 

35.  Strong  Halters  and  sharp  axes  to  all  such  as 

respectively  deserve  them. 

36.  Scalping  Savages  let  loose  in  Tribes,  rather 

than  Legions  of  Placemen,  Pensioners,  and 
Walkerizing  Dragoons. 

37.  'The  Amputation  of  any  Limb,  if  it  be  necessary 

to  preserve  the  Body  Politic  from  Perdition. 

38.  'The  oppressed  and  distressed  foreign  Protes 

tants. 

39.  The  free  and  independent  Cantons  of  Switzer 

land. 

40.  'Their  High  Mightinesses  the  States  General 

of  Seven  United  Provinces. 

41.  The  King  of  Prussia. 

42.  'The  Republic  of  Letters. 

43.  'The  Liberty  of  the  Press. 

44.  Spartan,  Roman,  British   Virtue,  and  Chris 

tian  Graces  joined. 

45.  Every  man  under  his    own   Vine  !  under  his 

own  Fig-Tree  !  None  to  make  us  afraid ! 
And  let  all  the  People  say,  Amen  ! 

Upon  this  happy  occasion,  the  whole  company 
with  the  approbation  of  their  brethren  in  Roxbury, 
consecrated  a  tree  in  the  vicinity  ;  under  the  shade 
of  which,  on  some  future  anniversary,  they  say  they 

34.  Referring  to  the  replies  of  the  various  Assemblies  to  the  cir 
cular  letter  and  endorsements  of  the  action  of  the  Massachusetts 
Assembly. 

45.    See  page  51. 


xxxviii    INTRODUCTION. 

shall  commemorate  the  day,  which  shall  liberate 
America  from  her  present  oppression  !  Then 
making  an  agreeable  excursion  round  Jamaica 
Pond,  in  which  excursion  they  received  the  kind 
salutation  of  a  Friend  to  the  cause  by  the  discharge 
of  cannon  at  six  o'clock  they  returned  to  Town; 
and  passing  in  slow  and  orderly  procession 
through  the  principal  streets, and  the  State-House, 
they  retired  to  their  respective  dwellings.  It  is 
allowed  that  this  cavalcade  surpassed  all  that  has 
ever  been  seen  in  America.  The  joy  of  the  day 
was  manly,  and  an  uninterrupted  regularity  pre 
sided  through  the  whole. 

The  two  illustrations  in  this  volume  were 
selected  for  the  purpose  of  recording  preva 
lent  contemporary  opinions  of  Dickinson. 

The  frontispiece  is  a  reproduction  (slight 
ly  reduced  in  size)  *  of  the  very  scarce 
print  in  which  John  Dickinson  is  crudely 
portrayed  as  the  author  of  the  "  Farmer's 
Letters."  It  was  first  advertised  for  sale  in 
the  Pennsylvania  "  Chronicle  "  under  date 
of  October  12-17,  1768,  as  follows: 

Lately  published  and  sold  by  R.  Bell 
at  JAMES  EMERSON'S,  in  Market-street, 

near  the  river,  and  at  JOHN 
HART'S  vendue  store,  in  Southward 

(Price  One  Shilling) 
an  elegant  engraved  COPPER  PLATE  PRINT 

of  the  PATRIOTIC  AMERICAN  FARMER  ; 
The  same  glazed  and  framed,  price  Five  Shillings. 

*  Reproduced  through  the  courtesy  of  the  Library 
Company  of  Philadelphia.  I  wish  also  to  express  my 
obligation  to  my  friends  Messrs.  Wilberforce  Eames  of 
the  Lenox  Library  and  Robert  H.  Kelby  of  the  New 


INTRODUCTION.       xxxix 

This  specimen  of  early  American  engrav 
ing,  the  work  of  some  unknown  artist  and 
engraver,  was  undoubtedly  inspired  by  the 
following  article  which  appeared  in  the 
Pennsylvania  "  Chronicle  "  for  May,  9—16, 
1768,  as  well  as  the  many  other  newspapers 
in  the  colonies,  so  eager  was  the  press  to 
publish  any  information  concerning  the 
author  of  the  "  Farmer's  Letters."  The 
inscription  is  thus  explained  as  well  as  the 
elimination  of  the  vowels  from  Dickin 
son's  name. 

PHILADELPHIA 

On  Tuesday  last,  by  order  of  the  Governor 
and  Society  of  Fort  St.  David's,  fourteen  Gentle 
men,  members  of  that  Company,  waited  upon  J-n 
D-ck-nson  Esq  ;  and  presented  the  following  ad 
dress,  in  a  Box  of  Heart  of  Oak. 

RESPECTED  SIR, 

When  a  Man  of  Abilities,  prompted  by  Love  of 
his  Country,  exerts  them  in  her  Cause,  and  ren 
ders  her  the  most  eminent  Services,  not  to  be  sensible, 
of  the  Benefits  received,  is  Stupidity  ;  not  to  be  grate 
ful  for  them,  is  Baseness. 

Influenced  by  this  Sentiment,  we,  the  Governor 
and  Company  of  Fort  St.  David's,  who  among  other 
Inhabitants  of  British  America,  are  indebted  to  you 
for  your  most  excellent  and  generous  Vindication  of 
Liberties  dearer  to  us  than  our  Lives,  beg  Leave  to 
return  you  our  heartiest  Thanks,  and  offer  to  you 
the  greatest  Mark  of  Esteem,  that,  as  a  Body,  it  is 
in  our  Power  to  bestow,  by  admitting  you,  as  we 
hereby  do,  a  Member  of  our  Society. 


York  Historical  Society  for  repeated  access  to  the  volumes 
of  Colonial  Newspapers,  etc.,  in  the  collections  under 
their  charge. 


xl  INTRODUCTION. 

When  that  destructive  Project  of  Taxation,  which 
your  Integrity  and  Knowledge  so  signally  contrib 
uted  to  baffle  about  two  years  ago,  was  lately  re 
newed  under  a  Disguise  so  artfully  contrived  as  to 
delude  Millions,  You,  sir,  watchful  for  the  Interests 
of  Your  Country,  perfectly  acquainted  with  them, 
and  undaunted  in  asserting  them,  ALONE  detected  the 
Monster  concealed  from  others  by  an  altered  Ap 
pearance,  exposed  it,  stripped  of  its  insidious  cover 
ing,  in  its  own  horrid  Shape,  and,  we  firmly  trust 
by  the  Blessing  of  God  on  Your  Wisdom  and  Vir 
tue,  will  again  extricate  the  British  Colonies  on  this 
Continent  from  the  cruel  Snares  of  Oppression;  for 
we  already  perceive  these  Colonies  ROUSED  by  your 
strong  and  seasonable  Call,  pursuing  the  salutary 
Measures  advised  by  You  for  obtaining  Redress. 

Nor  is  this  all  that  you  have  performed  for  Your 
NATIVE  LAND.  Animated  by  a  sacred  Zeal,  guided 
by  Truth  and  supported  by  Justice,  You  have  pene 
trated  to  the  Foundations  of  the  Constitution,  have 
poured  the  clearest  Light  on  the  important  Points, 
hitherto  involved  in  a  Darkness  bewildering  even 
the  Learned,  and  have  established  with  an  amazing 
Force  and  Plainness  of  Argument,  the  TRUE  DIS 
TINCTIONS  and  GRAND  PRINCIPLES,  that  willfully  in 
struct  Ages  YET  UNBORN,  what  Rights  belong  to 
them,  and  the  best  Methods  of  defending  them. 

To  Merit  far  less  distinguished,  ancient  Greece  or 
Rome  would  have  decreed  Statues  and  Honours  with 
out  Number :  But  it  is  Tour  Fortune  and  your 
Glory,  Sir,  that  You  live  in  such  Times,  and  possess 
such  exalted  Worth,  that  the  Envy  of  those,  whose 
Duty  it  is  to  applaud  You,  can  conceive  no  other 
Consolation,  than  by  withholding  those  Praises  in 
Public,  which  all  honest  Men  acknowledge  in  Pri 
vate  that  you  have  deserved. 

We  present  to  you,  sir,  a  small  gift  of  a  So 
ciety  not  dignified  by  any  legal  authority ;  But 
when  you  consider  this  gift  as  expressive  of  the 
sincere  Affection  of  many  of  your  Fellow  Citizens 
for  Your  Person,  and  of  their  unlimited  Approba 
tion  of  the  noble  Principles  maintained  in  your  un- 


INTRODUCTION.  xli 

equalled  Labours,  we  hope  this  Testimony  of  our 
Sentiments  will  be  acceptable  to  you. 

May  that  all-gracious  Being,  which  in  kindness 
to  these  colonies  gave  your  valuable  Life  Existence 
at  the  critical  Period  when  it  will  be  most  wanted, 
grant  it  along  Continuance,  filled  with  every  Felic 
ity  ;  and  when  your  Country  sustains  its  dreadful 
loss,  may  you  enjoy  the  Happiness  of  Heaven,  and 
on  Earth  may  your  Memory  be  cherished,  as  we 
doubt  not  it  will  be,  to  the  latest  Posterity. 
Signed  by  the  Order  of  the  Society, 

JOHN   BAYARD,  Secretary. 

The  box  was  finely  decorated,  and  the  Inscrip 
tion  neatly  done  in  Letters  of  Gold.  On  the  Top 
was  represented  the  Cap  of  Liberty  on  a  Spear, 
resting  on  a  Cypher  of  the  Letters  I.  D.  Under 
neath  the  Cypher  in  a  semicircular  Label  -  —  Pro 
Patria Around  the  whole  the  following  words  : 

THE  GIFT  OF  THE  GOVERNOR  AND  SOCIETY 
OF  FORT  ST.  DAVID'S  TO  THE  AUTHOR  OF  THE 
FARMER'S  LETTERS,  IN  GRATEFUL  TESTIMONY  OF 
THE  VERY  EMINENT  SERVICES  THEREBY  RENDERED 
TO  THIS  COUNTRY,  1768. 

On  the  Inside  of  the  Top — 

THE  LIBERTIES  OF 
THE  BRITISH  COLONIES  IN  AMERICA 

ASSERTED 

WITH  ATTIC  ELOQUENCE, 
AND  ROMAN  SPIRIT, 

BY 

J-N  D-K-NS-N  *   ESQR.; 
BARRISTER  AT  LAW. 

On  the  Inside  of  the  Bottom — 

ITA  CUIQUE  EVENIAT 
UT  DE  REPUBLICA  MERUIT. 

On  the  Outside  of  the  Bottom — A  sketch   of 
Fort  St.  David's. 


*The  Name  at  length. 


xlii          INTRODUCTION. 

To  which  the  following  Answer  was  returned. 

GENTLEMEN, 

I  very  gratefully  receive  the  Favour  you  have 
been  pleased  to  bestow  upon  me,  in  admitting  me  a 
Member  of  your  Company  ;  and  I  return  you  my 
heartiest  Thanks  for  your  Kindness. 

The  "  Esteem  "  of  worthy  Fellow  Citizens  is  a 
Treasure  of  greatest  Price  ;  and  as  no  man  can  more 
highly  value  it  than  I  do,  Your  Society  in  "  ex 
pressing  the  Affection "  of  so  many  respectable 
Persons  for  me,  affords  Me  the  sincerest  Pleasure. 

Nor  will  this  Pleasure  be  lessened  by  reflecting, 
that  you  may  have  regarded  with  a  generous  Parti 
ality  my  Attempts  to  promote  the  Welfare  of  our 
Country  ;  for  the  Warmth  of  your  Praises  in  com 
mending  a  Conduct  you  suppose  to  deserve  them, 
gives  Worth  to  these  Praises,  by  proving  your  Merit, 
while  you  attribute  Merit  to  another. 

Your  Characters,  gentlemen,  did  not  need  this 
Evidence  to  convince  Me,  how  much  I  ought  to 
prize  Your  "  Esteem  "  or  how  much  You  deserved 
Mine. 

I  think  myself  extremely  fortunate,  in  having  ob 
tained  your  favorable  Opinion,  which  I  shall  con 
stantly  and  carefully  endeavor  to  preserve. 

I  most  heartily  wish  you  every  Kind  of  Happi 
ness,  and  particularly  that  you  may  enjoy  the  com 
fortable  Prospect  of  transmitting  to  your  Posterity 
those  "  Liberties  "  dearer  to  You  than  your  Lives, 
"  which  God  gave  to  you,  and  which  no  inferior 
Power  has  a  Right  to  take  away." 

The  potter's  art,  which  from  time  imme 
morial  has  been  the  means  of  transmitting 
history,  furnishes  the  other  illustration  and 
also  perpetuates  the  estimate  of  Dickinson's 
character  held  by  William  Duesbury,  Eng 
land's  greatest  manufacturer  of  porcelain.  It 
pictures  a  porcelain  statuette  of  Mrs.  Gather- 


INTRODUCTION.  xlv 

ine  Macaulay,  a  well-known  historian,  whose 
"  History  of  England  from  the  Accession  of 
James  the  First  to  that  of  the  Brunswick 
Line"  and  other  historical  writings  met  with 
great  approval  among  the  Whig  party  in 
England  and  whose  decided  approval  of  the 
stand  taken  by  the  colonies,  gave  her  great 
popularity  in  America.  This  statuette,  meas 
uring  13^  inches  in  height,  is  modeled  to  a 
certain  extent  after  the  statue  of  this  lady 
which  was  erected  in  1777  in  the  Church  of 
St.  Stephen,  Walbrook,  London.  Mrs. 
Macaulay  appears  leaning  upon  her  "  His 
tories  of  England,"  which  rest  on  the  top  of 
a  pedestal,  on  the  front  of  which  is  the  in 
scription,  "  Government  a  Power  Delegated 
for  the  Happiness  of  Mankind  conducted  by 
Wisdom,  Justice  and  Mercy."  Beneath  are 
the  words,  "American  Congress."  On  the  side 
of  the  pedestal  the  name  of  Dickinson  ap 
pears,  preceded  by  the  names  of  those  noble 
writers,  England's  great  advocates  and  ex 
pounders  of  Constitutional  liberty,  Sydney, 
Hampden,  Milton,  Locke,  Harrington, 
Ludlow  and  Marvel.  This  beautiful  porce 
lain  statuette  was  moulded  at  the  Chelsea 
factory  in  1777,  the  same  year  in  which 
Boswell  chronicles  Dr.  Johnson's  visit  there, 
noting,  "  The  china  was  beautiful,  but  Dr. 
Johnson  justly  observed  it  was  too  dear,  for 
he  could  have  vessels  of  silver  as  cheap  as 
were  here  made  of  porcelain." 

The   space   at  my   disposal   prevents   my 


xlvi          INTRODUCTION. 

quoting  many  a  "  Letter  to  the  Printer " 
appealing  for  justice  for  the  Colonials  as 
well  as  numerous  contributed  articles  which 
appeared  during  the  next  few  years  in  the 
English  press,  the  contents  of  which  clearly 
show  how  strongly  Dickinson's  arguments 
had  influenced  their  respective  authors. 
While  it  is  true  that  these  sentiments  were 
attacked  both  at  home  and  abroad,  the 
attacks  soon  lost  their  vehemence.  Strange 
as  it  may  seem,  more  protests  against  the 
course  of  the  ministry  than  denunciations 
of  the  doings  of  the  colonial  Assemblies  are 
found  in  the  columns  of  the  English  press 
of  the  period.  The  demand  for  the  argu 
ments  contained  in  the  "  Farmer's  Letters  " 
was  not  lessened  by  subsequent  events  as 
their  popularity  demanded  the  publishing 
of  another  London  edition  in  1774. 

Certainly  to  John  Dickinson  for  his 
masterly  defence  of  the  rights  of  the  Colo 
nies  America  owes  an  everlasting  debt  of 
gratitude.  The  logic  of  his  claims  and  his 
warnings  as  to  what  must  be  the  ultimate 
result  of  the  ministerial  encroachments  upon 
the  liberties  of  Englishmen  did  much  to 
win  over  to  the  American  cause  in  England 
that  strong  ally,  the  support  of  a  large  body 
of  thoughtful  Englishmen.  These  men 
actively  condemned  the  ministerial  actions 
and  during  the  war  which  followed  caused 
the  course  of  the  government  to  be  bitterly 
opposed  by  an  influential  and  constantly 


INTRODUCTION.        xlvii 

growing  minority  in  Parliament.  Through 
their  efforts  was  fostered  a  public  senti 
ment  which  caused  the  war  to  be  prose 
cuted  in  a  half-hearted  manner  and  obliged 
a  power-loving  King  to  fill  the  depleted 
ranks  of  his  army  with  German  mercenaries, 
so  impossible  was  it  to  force  a  sufficient  num 
ber  of  his  own  liberty-loving  subjects  to  fight 
against  their  kindred  living  in  the  land  so 
happily  alluded  to  by  a  contributor  to  the 
London  "Chronicle"  (June  3-6,  1769), 
in  the  following  poem  : 

The  Genius  0/~  America  to  her  Sons 

Who'd  know  the  sweets  of  Liberty  ? 

'Tis  to  climbe  the  mountain's  brow, 

Thence  to  discern  rough  industry, 

At  the  harrow  or  the  plough  ; 

'Tis  where  my  sons  their  crops  have  sown, 

Calling  the  harvest  all  their  own  ; 

'Tis  where  the  heart  to  truth  allied, 

Never  felt  unmanly  fear  ; 

'Tis  where  the  eye  with  milder  pride, 

Nobly  sheds  sweet  pity's  tear  ; 

Such  as  America  yet  shall  see, 

These  are  the  sweets  of  Liberty. 


NOTES. 


NOTES. 
I. 

AN  ADDRESS  from  the  Moderator  and  Free 
men  of  the  Town  of  Providence  in  the 
Colony  of  Rhode-Island,  and  Providence  Plantation 
convened  in  open  Meeting  the  2oth  day  of  June, 
1768,  to  the  Author  of  a  Series  of  Letters  signed 

A     FARMER. 

Sir, 

In  your  Retirement,  "  near  the  Banks  of  the 
River  Delaware,"  where  you  are  compleating,  in  a 
rational  way,  the  Number  of  Days  allotted  to 
you  by  Divine  Goodness,  the  consciousness  of 
having  employed  those  Talents  which  God  hath 
bestowed  upon  You,  for  the  Support  of  our 
Rights,  must  afford  you  a  Satisfaction  vastly  ex 
ceeding  that,  which  is  derived  to  you  from  the 
universal  Approbation  of  Your  Letters, — How 
ever  amidst  the  general  Acclamation  of  your 
Praise,  we  the  Moderator  and  Freemen  of  the 
ancient  Town  of  Providence  cannot  be  silent ; 
although  we  would  not  offend  your  Delicacy,  or 
incur  the  Imputation  of  Flattery  in  expressing  our 
Gratitude  to  you. 

Your  Benevolence  to  Mankind,  fully  discover 
able  from  your  Writings,  doubtless  caused  you  to 
address  your  countrymen,  whom  you  tenderly 
call  Dear  and  Beloved,  in  a  Series  of  Letters, 
wherein  you  have  with  a  great  Judgment,  and  in 
the  most  spirited  and  forcible  Manner  explained 
their  Rights  and  Privileges ;  and  vindicated  them 
against  such  as  would  reduce  these  extensive  Do- 


lii  NOTES. 

minions  of  His  Majesty  to  Poverty,  Misery,  and 
Slavery.  This  Your  patriotic  Exertion  in  our 
Cause  and  indeed  in  the  Cause  of  all  the  human 
Race  in  some  Degree,  hath  rendered  you  very  dear 
to  us,  although  we  know  not  your  Person. 

We  deplore  the  Frailty  of  human  Nature,  in 
that  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  be  frequently 
awakened  into  Attention  to  our  Duty  in  Matters 
very  plain  and  incontrovertible,  if  we  would  suffer 
ourselves  to  consider  them.  From  this  Inattention 
to  Things  evidently  the  Duty  and  Interest  of  the 
World,  we  suppose  despotic  Rule  to  have  orig 
inated,  and  all  the  Train  of  Miseries  consequent 
thereupon. 

The  virtuous  and  good  Man,  who  rouses  an 
injured  Country  from  their  Lethargy,  and  animates 
them  into  active  and  successful  Endeavours  for 
casting  off  the  Burdens  imposed  on  them,  and  ef 
fecting  a  full  Enjoyment  of  the  Rights  of  Men, 
which  no  Human  Creature  ought  to  violate,  will 
merit  the  warmest  Expressions  of  Gratitude  from 
his  Countrymen,  for  his  Instrumen  tality  in  saving 
them  and  their  Posterity. 

As  the  very  Design  of  instituting  civil  Govern 
ment  in  the  World  was  to  secure  to  Individuals  a 
quiet  Enjoyment  of  their  native  Rights,  wherever 
there  is  a  Departure  from  this  great  and  only 
End,  impious  Force  succeeds.  The  Blessings  of 
a  just  Government,  and  the  Horror  of  brutal 
Violence  are  both  inexpressible.  As  the  latter  is 
generally  brought  upon  People  by  Degrees,  it  will 
be  their  Duty  to  watch  against  even  the  smallest 
attempt  to  "  innovate  a  single  Iota "  in  their 
Privilege. 

With  Hearts  truly  loyal  to  the  King,  we  feel 
the  greatest  concern  at  divers  Acts  of  the  British 
Parliament,  relative  to  these  colonies.  We  are 
clear  and  unanimous  in  Sentiment  that  they  are 


NOTES.  liii 

subversive  of  our  Liberties,  and  derogatory  to  the 
Power  and  Dignity  of  the  several  Legislatures  es 
tablished  in  America. 

Permit  us,  Sir,  to  assure  you  that  we  feel  an  in 
effable  Gratitude  to  you,  for  sending  forth  your 
Letters  at  a  Time  when  the  Exercise  of  great 
Abilities  was  necessary.  We  sincerely  wish  that 
You  may  see  the  Fruit  of  your  Labours.  We  on 
our  parts  shall  be  ready  at  all  Times  to  evince  to 
the  World  that  we  will  not  surrender  our  privi 
leges  to  any  of  our  Fellow  Subjects,  but  will  ear 
nestly  contend  for  them,  hoping  that  the  "Al 
mighty  will  look  upon  our  righteous  contest  with 
gracious  approbation."  We  hope  that  the  Con 
duct  of  the  Colonies  on  this  Occasion  will  be 
"peaceable,  prudent,  firm,  and  joint;  and  such  as 
will  show  their  Loyalty  to  the  best  of  Sovereigns, 
and  that  they  know  what  they  owe  to  themselves 
as  well  as  to  Great-Britain.  " 

Signed  by  Order 

JAMES    ANGELL,  Town  Clerk. 

I   I   . 

FROM   THE    MONTHLY  REVIEW. 
LONDON,  JULY,   1768. 

"  Letters  from  a  Farmer  in  Pennsylvania^  to  the 
Inhabitants  of  the  British  Colonies.  Svo.  2s. 
Almon.  1768. 

"  We  have,  in  the  Letters  now  before  us,  a  calm 
yet  full  inquiry  into  the  right  of  the  British  parlia 
ment,  lately  assumed,  to  tax  the  American  colo 
nies  ;  the  unconstitutional  nature  of  which  at 
tempt  is  maintained  in  a  well-connected  chain  of 
close  and  manly  reasoning  ;  and  though  from  this 
character,  it  is  evident  that  detached  passages 


liv  NOTES. 

must  appear  to  a  disadvantage,  yet  it  is  but  just 
to  give  our  Readers  some  specimens  of  the  man 
ner  in  which  the  author  asserts  the  rights  of  his 
American  brethren  ;  subjects  of  the  British  gov 
ernment,  as  he  pleads,  carrying  their  birthrights 
with  them  wherever  they  settle  as  such. 

4  Colonies,  says  he,  were  formerly  planted  by 
warlike  nations,  to  keep  their  enemies  in  awe ;  to 
relieve  their  country  overburthened  with  inhabi 
tants  ;  or  to  discharge  a  number  of  discontented 
and  troublesome  citizens.  But  in  more  modern 
ages,  the  spirit  of  violence  being,  in  some  measure, 
if  the  expression  may  be  allowed,  sheathed  in  com 
merce,  colonies  have  been  settled  by  the  nations  of 
Europe  for  the  purposes  of  trade.  These  purposes 
were  to  be  attained,  by  the  colonies  raising  for  their 
mother  country  those  things  which  she  did  not  pro 
duce  herself;  and  by  supplying  themselves  from 
her  with  things  they  wanted.  These  were  the  na 
tional  objects  in  the  commencement  of  our  colo 
nies,  and  have  been  uniformly  so  in  their  promo 
tion. 

1  To  answer  these  grand  purposes,  perfect  liberty 
was  known  to  be  necessary;  all  history  proving,  that 
trade  and  freedom  are  nearly  related  to  each  other. 
By  a  due  regard  to  this  wise  and  just  plan,  the  in 
fant  colonies,  exposed  in  the  unknown  climates 
and  unexplored  wildernesses  of  this  new  world, 
lived,  grew,  and  flourished. 

'  The  parent  country,  with  undeviating  prudence 
and  virtue,  attentive  to  the  first  principles  of  colo 
nization,  drew  to  herself  the  benefits  she  might 
reasonably  expect,  and  preserved  to  her  children 
the  blessings,  upon  which  those  benefits  were 
founded.  She  made  laws,  obliging  her  colonies  to 
carry  to  her  all  those  products  which  she  wanted 
for  her  own  use  ;  and  all  those  raw  materials  which 
she  chose  herself  to  work  up.  Besides  this  restric 
tion,  she  forbade  them  to  procure  manufactures  from 
any  other  part  of  the  globe,  or  even  the  products  of 
European  countries,  which  alone  could  rival  her, 


NOTES'.  iv 

without  being  first  brought  to  her.  In  short,  by  a 
variety  of  laws,  she  regulated  their  trade  in  such  a 
manner  as  she  thought  most  conducive  to  their  mu 
tual  advantage  and  her  own  welfare.  A  power  was 
reserved  to  the  crown  of  repealing  any  laws  that 
should  be  enacted  :  the  executive  authority  of  gov 
ernment  was  also  lodged  in  the  crown,  and  its  rep 
resentatives  ;  and  an  appeal  was  secured  to  the 
crown  from  all  judgments  in  the  administration  of 
justice. 

4  For  all  these  powers,  established  by  the  mother 
country  over  the  colonies  ;  for  all  these  immense 
emoluments  derived  by  her  from  them  ;  for  all  their 
difficulties  and  distresses  in  fixing  themselves,  what 
was  the  recompense  made  them  ?  A  communica 
tion  of  her  rights  in  general,  and  particularly  of  that 
great  one,  the  foundation  of  all  the  rest — that  their 
property,  acquired  with  so  much  pain  and  hazard, 
should  be  disposed  of  by  none  but  themselves — or, 
to  use  beautiful  and  emphatic  language  of  the  sacred 
scriptures,  "that  they  should  sit  every  man  under  his 
vine,  and  under  his  fig-tree,  and  none  should  make 
them  afraid." 

4  Can  any  man  of  candour  and  knowledge  deny 
that  these  institutions  form  an  affinity  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  that  sufficiently  se 
cures  their  dependence  upon  her  ?  Or  that  for  her 
to  levy  taxes  upon  them  is  to  reverse  the  nature  of 
things  ?  Or  that  she  can  pursue  such  a  meas 
ure  without  reducing  them  to  a  state  of  vassal 
age  ? 

4  If  any  person  cannot  conceive  the  supremacy 
of  Great  Britain  to  exist,  without  the  power  of 
laying  taxes  to  levy  money  upon  us,  the  history  of 
the  colonies,  and  of  Great  Britain,  since  their  set 
tlement,  will  prove  the  contrary.  He  will  there 
find  the  amazing  advantages  arising  to  her  from 
them — the  constant  exercise  of  her  supremacy — 
and  their  filial  submission  to  it,  without  a  single 
rebellion,  or  even  the  thought  of  one,  from  their 
first  emigration  to  this  moment — and  all  these 
things  have  happened,  without  one  instance  of 


Ivi  NOTES. 

Great  Britain's  laying  taxes  to  levy  money  upon 
them. 

'  How  many  British  authors  have  demonstrated, 
that  the  present  wealth,  power  and  glory  of  their 
country,  are  founded  upon  these  colonies  ?  As 
constantly  as  streams  tend  to  the  ocean  have  they 
been  pouring  the  fruits  of  all  their  labours  into 
their  mother's  lap.  Good  heaven  !  and  shall  a  total 
oblivion  of  former  tendernesses  and  blessings,  be 
spread  over  the  minds  of  a  good  and  wise  nation  by 
the  sordid  arts  of  intriguing  men,who,  covering  their 
selfish  projects  under  pretences  of  public  good,  first 
enrage  their  countrymen  into  a  frenzy  of  passion, 
and  then  advance  their  own  influence  and  interest, 
by  gratifying  the  passion,  which  they  themselves 
have  basely  excited. 

4  Hitherto  Great  Britain  has  been  contented  with 
her  prosperity,  moderation  has  been  the  rule  of  her 
conduct.  But  now,  a  generous,  humane  people, 
that  so  often  have  protected  the  liberty  of  strangers, 
is  inflamed  into  an  attempt  to  tear  a  privilege  from 
her  own  children,  which  if  executed,  must,  in  their 
opinion,  sink  them  into  slaves  :  and  for  what  ?  for 
a  pernicious  power,  not  necessary  to  her  as  her  own 
experience  may  convince  her ;  but  horribly  dread 
ful  and  detestable  to  her. 

4  It  seems  extremely  probable,  that  when  cool, 
dispassionate  prosperity,  shall  consider  the  affection 
ate  intercourse,  the  reciprocal  benefits,  and  the  un 
suspecting  confidence,  that  have  subsisted  between 
these  colonies  and  their  parent  country,  for  such  a 
length  of  time,  they  will  execrate,  with  the  bitter 
est  curses,  the  infamous  memory  of  those  men, 
whose  pestilential  ambition  unnecessarily,  wantonly, 
first  opened  the  sources  of  civil  discord  between 
them  ;  first  turned  their  love  into  jealousy  ;  and  first 
taught  these  provinces,  filled  with  grief  and  anxiety, 
to  enquire.' 

"  As  every  community  possessed  of  valuable 
privileges,  and  desirous  to  preserve  the  enjoyment 
of  them,  ought  to  be  very  cautious  of  admitting 


NOTES.  Ivii 

innovations  from  their  established  forms  of  polit 
ical  administration,  our  Author  does  not  confine 
his  views  to  the  immediate  effects  of  the  laws  lately 
passed  regarding  America ;  but  considers  the  nec 
essary  tendency  of  the  precedents ;  thus  he  says, 

1 1  have  looked  over  every  statute  relating  to  these 
colonies,  from  their  first  settlement  to  this  time ; 
and  I  find  everyone  of  them  founded  on  this  prin 
ciple,  till  the  stamp-act  administration.  All  before, 
are  calculated  to  regulate  trade,  and  preserve  or  pro 
mote  a  mutually  beneficial  intercourse  between  the 
several  constituent  parts  of  the  empire;  and  though 
many  of  them  imposed  duties  on  trade,  yet  those 
duties  were  always  imposed  with  design  to  restrain 
the  commerce  of  one  part,  that  was  injurious  to  an 
other,  and  thus  to  promote  the  general  welfare. 
The  raising  a  revenue  thereby  was  never  intended. 
Thus,  the  king  by  his  judges  in  his  courts  of  justice, 
impose  fines,  which  altogether  amount  to  a  very  con 
siderable  sum,  and  contribute  to  the  support  of  gov 
ernment  ;  but  this  is  merely  a  consequence  arising 
from  restrictions,  that  only  meant  to  keep  peace, 
and  prevent  confusion  ;  and  surely  a  man  would 
argue  very  loosely, who  should  conclude  from  hence, 
that  the  king  has  a  right  to  levy  money  in  general 
upon  his  subjects.  Never  did  the  British  parlia 
ment,  till  the  period  above  mentioned,  think  of  im 
posing  duties  in  America,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue.  Mr.  Grenville  first  introduced  this  lan 
guage,  in  the  preamble  to  the  fourth  of  George 
III.  chap.  15,  which  has  these  words — "and  whereas 
it  is  just  and  necessary  that  a  revenue  be  raised  in  your 
majesty's  said  dominions  in  America,  for  defraying  the 
expenses  of  defending, protecting  and  securing  the  same  : 
We  your  majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects, 
the  commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  Parliament  assem 
bled,  being  desirous  to  make  some  provisions  in  this 
present  session  of  parliament,  towards  raising  the  said 
revenue  in  America,  have  resolved  to  give  and  grant 
unto  your  majesty  the  several  rates  and  duties  here 
inafter  mentioned,"  etc. 


Iviii  NOTES. 

4  A  few  months  after  came  the  stamp-act,  which 
reciting  this,  proceeds  in  the  same  strange  mode  of 
expression,  thus — "  And  whereas  it  is  just  and  nec 
essary,  that  provision  be  made  for  raising  a  further 
revenue  within  your  majesty's  dominions  in  America,  to 
wards  defraying  the  said  expenses,  we  your  majesty's 
most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  commons  of 
Great  Britain,  etc.,  give  and  grant,"  etc.,  as  be 
fore. 

4  The  last  act,  granting  duties  upon  paper,  etc., 
carefully  pursues  these  modern  precedents.  The 
preamble  is,  "Whereas  it  is  expedient,  that  a  revenue 
should  be  raised  in  your  majesty's  dominions  in  America 
for  making  a  more  certain  and  adequate  provision  for 
defraying  the  charge  of  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  the  support  of  civil  government  in  such  provinces, 
where  it  shall  be  found  necessary  ;  and  towards  the 
further  defraying  of  the  expences  of  defending,  pro 
tecting,  and  securing  the  said  dominions,  we  your  maj 
esty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  commons 
of  Great  Britain,  etc.  give  and  grant,"  etc.  as  be 
fore. 

'Here  we  may  observe  an  authority  expresly  claim 
ed  and  exerted  to  impose  duties  on  these  colonies; 
not  for  the  regulation  of  trade ;  not  for  the  preser 
vation  or  promotion  of  a  mutually  beneficial  inter 
course  between  the  several  constituent  parts  of  the 
empire,  heretofore  the  sole  objects  of  parliamentary 
institutions;  but  for  the  single  purpose  of  levying  money 
upon  us.' 

"  Again  in  another  place, 

4  What  but  the  indisputable,  the  acknowledged 
exclusive  right  of  the  colonies  to  tax  themselves, 
could  be  the  reason,  that  in  this  long  period  of 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  no  statute 
was  ever  passed  for  the  sole  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue  from  the  colonies  ?  And  how  clear,  how 
cogent  must  that  reason  be,  to  which  every  parlia 
ment,  and  every  ministry  for  so  long  a  time  sub 
mitted,  without  a  single  attempt  to  innovate  ? 

4  England,  in  part  of  that  course  of  years,  and 


NOTES.  lix 

Great  Britain,  in  other  parts,  was  engaged  in  sev 
eral  fierce  and  expensive  wars  ;  troubled  with  some 
tumultuous  and  bold  parliaments ;  governed  by 
many  daring  and  wicked  ministers  j  yet  none  of 
them  ever  ventured  to  touch  the  Palladium  of 
American  liberty.  Ambition,  avarice,  faction, 
tyranny,  all  revered  it.  Whenever  it  was  necessary 
to  raise  money  on  the  colonies,  the  requisitions  of 
the  crown  were  made,  and  dutifully  complied  with. 
The  parliament,  from  time  to  time,  regulated  their 
trade,  and  that  of  the  rest  of  the  empire,  to  pre 
serve  their  dependence  and  the  connections  of  the 
whole  in  good  order.' 

"The  amount  of  present  duties  exacted  in  an 
unusual  way  is  no  part  of  the  object  in  question; 
for  our  Pennsylvanian  Farmer  observes : 

4  Some  persons  may  think  this  act  of  no  conse 
quence,  because  the  duties  are  so  small.  A  fatal 
error.  That  is  the  very  circumstance  most  alarm 
ing  to  me.  For  I  am  convinced,  that  the  au 
thors  of  this  law  would  never  have  obtained  an 
act  to  raise  so  trifling  a  sum  as  it  must  do,  had 
they  not  intended  by  it  to  establish  a  precedent  for 
future  use.  To  console  ourselves  with  the  small- 
ness  of  the  duties,  is  to  walk  deliberately  into  the 
snare  that  is  set  for  us,  praising  the  neatness  of  the 
workmanship.  Suppose  the  duties  imposed  by  the 
late  act  could  be  paid  by  these  distressed  colonies 
with  the  utmost  ease,  and  that  the  purposes  to  which 
they  are  to  be  applied,  were  the  most  reasonable 
and  equitable  that  can  be  conceived,  the  contrary 
of  which  I  hope  to  demonstrate  before  these  letters 
are  concluded  ;  yet  even  in  such  a  supposed  case, 
these  colonies  ought  to  regard  the  act  with  abhor 
rence.  For  who  are  a  free  people  ?  Not  those, 
over  whom  government  is  reasonably  and  equitably 
exercised,  but  those,  who  live  under  a  government 
so  constitutionally  checked  and  controuled,  that  proper 
provision  is  made  against  its  being  otherwise  ex 
ercised. 


Ix  NOTES  . 

1  The  late  act  is  founded  on  the  destruction  of 
this  constitutional  security.  If  the  parliament  have 
a  right  to  lay  a  duty  of  four  shillings  and  eight 
pence  on  a  hundred  weight  of  glass,  or  a  ream  of 
paper,  they  have  a  right  to  lay  a  duty  of  any  other 
sum  on  either.  They  may  raise  the  duty,  as  the 
author  before  quoted  says  has  been  done  in  some 
countries,  till  it  "  exceeds  seventeen  or  eighteen 
times  the  value  of  the  commodity."  In  short,  if 
they  have  a  right  to  levy  a  tax  of  one  penny  upon 
us,  they  have  a  right  to  levy  a  million  upon  us  ;  for 
where  does  their  right  stop  ?  At  any  given  num 
ber  of  pence,  shillings  or  pounds  ?  To  attempt  to 
limit  their  right,  after  granting  it  to  exist  at  all, 
is  as  contrary  to  reason — as  granting  it  to  exist  at 
all,  is  contrary  to  justice.  If  they  have  any  right 
to  tax  us — then,  whether  our  own  money  shall 
continue  in  our  pockets  or  not,  depends  no  longer 
on  us,  but  on  them,  "  There  is  nothing  which  u  we" 
can  call  our  own  ;  or,  to  use  the  words  of  Mr. 
Locke — what  property  have  "we"  in  that  which 
another  may,  by  right,  take,  when  he  pleases,  to  him 
self?" 

4  These  duties  which  will  inevitably  be  levied  upon 
us — which  are  now  levying  upon  us — are  expresly 
laid  for  the  sole  purpose  of  taking  money.  This  is  the 
true  definition  of  "  taxes."  They  are  therefore 
taxes.  This  money  is  to  be  taken  from  us.  We  are 
therefore  taxed.  Those  who  are  taxed  without  their 
own  consent,  expressed  by  themselves  or  their  rep 
resentatives  are  slaves.  We  are  taxed  without  our 
own  consent,  expressed  by  ourselves  or  representa 
tives.  We  are  therefore  slaves.' 

"  Further, 

4  Indeed  nations  in  general  are  more  apt  to  feel 
than  to  think ;  and  therefore  nations  in  general 
have  lost  their  liberty  :  for  as  the  violation  of  the 
rights  of  the  governed  are  commonly  not  only  spe 
cious,  but  small  at  the  beginning,  they  spread  over 
the  multitude  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  touch  indi 
viduals  but  slightly  ;  thus  they  are  disregarded.  The 


NOTES.  Ixi 

power  or  profit  that  arises  from  these  violations, 
centering  in  a  few  persons,  is  to  them  considerable. 
For  this  reason,  the  Governors  having  in  view  their 
particular  purposes,  successively  preserve  an  uni 
formity  of  conduct  for  attaining  them  :  they  regu 
larly  increase  and  multiply  the  first  injuries,  till  at 
length  the  inattentive  people  are  compelled  to  per 
ceive  the  heaviness  of  their  burthen.  They  begin 
to  complain  and  inquire — but  too  late.  They  find 
their  oppressions  so  strengthened  by  success,  and 
themselves  so  entangled  in  examples  of  express 
authority  on  the  part  of  their  rulers,  and  of  tacit 
recognition  on  their  own  part,  that  they  are  quite 
confounded  :  for  millions  entertain  no  other  idea  of 
the  legality  of  power,  than  that  it  is  founded  on  the 
exercise  of  power.  They  then  voluntarily  fasten 
their  chains  by  adopting  a  pusillanimous  opinion 
"  that  there  will  be  too  much  danger  in  attempting 
a  remedy  " — or  another  opinion  no  less  fatal,  "  that 
the  government  has  a  right  to  treat  them  as  it 
does."  They  then  seek  a  wretched  relief  for  their 
minds,  by  persuading  themselves,  that  to  yield  their 
obedience,  is  to  discharge  their  duty.  The  deplorable 
poverty  of  spirit,  that  prostrates  all  the  dignity  be 
stowed  by  Divine  Providence  on  our  nature — of 
course  succeeds.' 

"  With  regard  to  the  proper  conduct  of  the  col 
onies  on  this  occasion  he  premises  the  following 
questions  : 

4  Has  not  the  parliament  expressly  avowed  their 
intention  of  raising  money  from  us  for  certain  pur 
poses  ?  Is  not  this  scheme  popular  in  Great  Britain  ? 
Will  the  taxes  imposed  by  the  late  act,  answer  those 
purposes  ?  If  it  will,  must  it  not  take  an  immense 
sum  from  us  ?  If  it  will  not,  is  it  to  be  expected,  that 
the  parliament  will  not  fully  execute  their  intention, 
when  it  is  pleasing  at  home,  and  not  opposed  here  ? 
Must  not  this  be  done  by  imposing  neiu  taxes  ?  Will 
not  every  addition  thus  made  to  our  taxes,  be  an  ad 
dition  to  the  power  of  the  British  legislature,  by 
increasing  the  number  of  officers  employed  in  the  col- 


Ixii  NOTES. 

lection  ?  Will  not  every  additional  tax  therefore 
render  it  more  difficult  to  abrogate  any  of  them  ? 
When  a  branch  of  revenue  is  once  established,  does 
it  not  appear  to  many  people  invidious  and  unduti- 
ful,  to  attempt  to  abolish  it  ?  If  taxes  sufficient  to 
accomplish  the  intention  of  the  parliament,  are  im 
posed  by  the  parliament,  what  taxes  will  remain  to 
be  imposed  by  our  assemblies  ?  If  no  material  taxes 
remain  to  be  imposed  by  them,  what  must  become 
of  them,  and  the  people  they  represent  ? 

"  Our  Author  all  along,  however,  asserts  that  the 
real  interest  of  English  America  consists  in  its 
proper  dependence  on  the  mother  country,  at  the 
same  time  that  he  strenuously  exhorts  his  country 
men  to  oppose,  by  all  the  suitable  means  in  their 
power,  every  incroachment  on  those  constitutions 
under  the  sanction  of  which  they  settled  on  those 
remote  and  uncultivated  shores,  whereon  they 
have  so  industriously  established  themselves.  He 
remarks  with  a  spirit  which  no  one,  it  is  appre 
hended,  can  condemn  : 

1  I  am  no  further  concerned  in  anything  affecting 
America,  than  any  one  of  you ;  and  when  liberty 
leaves  it,  I  can  quit  it  much  more  conveniently  than 
most  of  you  :  but  while  divine  providence,  that  gave 
me  existence  in  a  land  of  freedom,  permits  my  head 
to  think,  my  lips  to  speak,  and  my  hands  to  move, 
I  shall  so  highly  and  gratefully  value  the  blessing 
received,  as  to  take  care,  that  my  silence  and  inac 
tivity  shall  not  give  my  implied  assent  to  any  act, 
degrading  my  brethren  and  myself  from  the  birth 
right,  wherewith  heaven  itself  "  hath  made  us 

D          * 

free." 

"  The  consequence  of  Great  Britain  exerting 
this  disagreeable  power,  he  shews,  in  a  long  train 
of  arguments,  to  have  a  tendency  very  fatal  to  the 
liberty  of  America,  which  he  illustrates  by  exam 
ining  into  the  application  of  the  pensions  on  the 


NOTES.  Ixiii 

Irish  establishment;    and  sums  up  his   reasoning 
with  the  following  positions : 

1  Let  these  truths  be  indelibly  impressed  on  our 
mind — that  we  cannot  be  happy,  without  being  free — 
that  we  cannot  be  free,  without  being  secure — in  our 
property — that  we  cannot  be  secure  in  our  property, 
if,  without  our  consent,  others  may,  as  by  right,  take  it 
away — that  taxes  imposed  on  us  by  parliament,  do  thus 
take  it  away — that  duties  laid  for  the  sole  purposes  of 
raising  money,  are  taxes — that  attempts  to  lay  such 
duties  should  be  instantly  and  firmly  opposed — that  this 
opposition  can  never  be  effectual,  unless  it  is  the 
united  effort  of  those  provinces — that  therefore  be 
nevolence  of  temper  towards  each  other,  and  unanimity 
of  counsels,  are  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole — 
and  lastly,  that  for  this  reason,  every  man  amongst 
us,  who  in  any  manner  would  encourage  either  dis- 
sention,  diffidence,  or  indifference,  between  these 
colonies,  is  an  enemy  to  himself,  and  to  his 
country. 

1  The  belief  of  these  truths,  I  verily  think,  my 
countrymen,  is  indispensably  necessary  to  your 
happiness.  I  beseech  you,  therefore,  "  teach  them 
diligently  unto  your  children,  and  talk  of  them  when 
you  sit  in  your  houses,  and  when  you  walk  by  the 
way,  and  when  you  lie  down  and  when  you  rise 
up." 

4  What  have  these  colonies  to  ask,  while  they  con 
tinue  free  ?  or  what  have  they  to  dread,  but  insidi 
ous  attempts  to  subvert  their  freedom  ?  Their 
prosperity  does  not  depend  on  ministerial  favours 
doled  out  to  particular  provinces.  They  form  one 
political  body,  of  which  each  colony  is  a  member. 
Their  happiness  is  founded  on  their  constitution  ; 
and  is  to  be  promoted  by  preserving  that  constitu 
tion  in  unabated  vigour,  throughout  every  part.  A 
spot,  a  speck  of  decay,  however  small  the  limb  on 
which  it  appears,  and  however  remote  it  may  seem 
from  the  vitals,  should  be  alarming.  We  have  all 
the  rights  requisite  for  our  prosperity.  The  legal 
authority  of  Great  Britain  may  indeed  lay  hard  re- 


Ixiv  NOTES. 

strictions  upon  us  ;  but,  like  the  spear  of  Telephus, 
it  will  cure  as  well  as  wound.  Her  unkindness 
will  instruct  and  compel  us,  after  some  time  to  dis 
cover,  in  our  industry  and  frugality,  surprising  rem 
edies — if  our  rights  continue  un  violated  :  for  as  long 
as  the  products  of  our  labour,  and  the  rewards  of  our 
care,  can  properly  be  called  our  own,  so  long  will  it 
be  worth  our  while  to  be  industrious  and  frugal. 
But  if  we  plow — sow — reap — gather  and  thresh — we 
find,  that  we  plow — sow — reap — gather  and  thresh 
for  others,  whose  pleasure  is  to  be  the  SOLE  limitation 
how  much  they  shall  take  and  how  much  they  shall 
leave,  WHY  should  we  repeat  the  unprofitable  toil  ? 
Horses  and  oxen  are  content  with  that  portion  of 
the  fruits  of  their  work,  which  their  owners  assign  to 
them,  in  order  to  keep  them  strong  enough  to  raise 
successive  crops  ;  but  even  these  beasts  will  not  sub 
mit  to  draw  for  their  masters,  until  they  are  subdued 
with  whips  and  goads.  Let  us  take  care  of  our  rights, 
and  we  therein  take  care  of  our  property.  "  SLAVERY 
is  EVER  PRECEDED  BY  SLEEP."  Individuals  may  be 
dependent  on  ministers  if  they  please.  States  should 
scorn  it ;  and  if  you  are  not  wanting  to  yourselves, 
you  will  have  a  proper  regard  paid  you  by  those,  to 
whom  if  you  are  not  respectable,  you  will  infallibly 
be  contemptible.  But — if  we  have  already  forgot 
the  reasons  that  urged  us,  with  unexampled  unani 
mity,  to  exert  ourselves  two  years  ago — if  our  zeal 
for  the  public  good  is  worn  out  before  the  homespun 
cloaths  which  it  caused  us  to  have  made — if  our  reso 
lutions  are  so  faint,  as  by  our  present  conduct  to 
condemn  our  own  late  successful  example — if  we  are 
not  affected  by  any  reverence  for  the  memory  of  our 
ancestors,  who  transmitted  to  us  that  freedom  in 
which  they  had  been  blest — if  we  are  not  animated 
by  any  regard  for  posterity,  to  whom,  by  the  most 
sacred  obligations,  we  are  bound  to  deliver  down 
the  invaluable  inheritance — THEN,  indeed,  any  min 
ister,  or  any  tool  of  a  minister,  or  any  creature  of  a 
tool  of  a  minister — or  any  lower  instrument  of  admin 
istration,  if  lower  there  be,  is  a  personage  whom  it 
may  be  dangerous  to  offend.' 


NOTES.  Ixv 

"  In  justification  of  the  Letter-writer's  loyalty, 
and  the  integrity  of  his  intentions,  he  declares  in  a 
note  : 

'  If  any  person  shall  imagine  that  he  discovers  in 
these  letters  the  least  disaffection  towards  our 
most  excellent  sovereign,  and  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  or  the  least  dislike  of  the  dependence 
of  these  colonies  on  that  kingdom,  I  beg  that  such 
person  will  not  form  any  judgment  on  particular 
expressions,  but  will  consider  the  tenour  of  all  the 
letters  taken  together.  In  that  case,  I  flatter  my 
self  that  every  unprejudiced  reader  will  be  con 
vinced,  that  the  true  interests  of  Great  Britain  are 
as  dear  to  me  as  they  ought  to  be  to  every  good 
subject. 

4  If  I  am  an  enthusiast  in  anything,  it  is  in  my 
zeal  for  the  perpetual  dependance  of  these  colonies 
on  the  mother  country. — A  dependance  founded  on 
mutual  benefits,  the  continuance  of  which  can  be 
secured  only  by  mutual  affections.  Therefore  it  is, 
that  with  extreme  apprehension  I  view  the  smallest 
seeds  of  discontent,  which  are  unwarily  scattered 
abroad.  Fifty  or  sixty  years  will  make  astonish 
ing  alterations  in  these  colonies  ;  and  this  consider 
ation  should  render  it  the  business  of  Great  Britain 
more  and  more  to  cultivate  our  good  dispositions 
toward  her :  but  the  misfortune  is,  that  those  great 
men,  who  are  wrestling  for  power  at  home,  think 
themselves  very  slightly  interested  in  the  prosperity 
of  their  country  fifty  or  sixty  years  hence  ;  but  are 
deeply  concerned  in  blowing  up  a  popular  clamour 
for  supposed  immediate  advantages. 

1  For  my  part,  I  regard  Great  Britain  as  a  bul 
wark  happily  fixed  between  these  colonies  and  the 
powerful  nations  of  Europe.  That  kingdom  is 
our  advanced  post  or  fortification,  which  remaining 
safe,  we  under  its  protection  enjoying  peace,  may 
diffuse  the  blessings  of  religion,  science,  and  lib 
erty,  through  remote  wildernesses.  It  is,  therefore, 
incontestably  our  duty  and  our  interest  to  support 
the  strength  of  Great  Britain.  When,  confiding 


Ixvi  NOTES. 

in  that  strength,  she  begins  to  forget  from  whence 
it  arose,  it  will  be  an  easy  thing  to  shew  the  source. 
She  may  readily  be  reminded  of  the  loud  alarm 
spread  among  her  merchants  and  tradesmen,  by 
the  universal  association  of  these  colonies,  at  the 
time  of  the  stamp-act,  not  to  import  any  of  her 
MANUFACTURES.  In  the  year  1718,  the  Russians 
and  Swedes  entered  into  an  agreement,  not  to  suf 
fer  Great  Britain  to  export  any  naval  stores  from 
their  dominions,  but  in  Russian  or  Swedish  ships, 
and  at  their  own  prices.  Great  Britain  was  dis 
tressed.  Pitch  and  tar  rose  to  three  pounds  a  barrel. 
At  length  she  thought  of  getting  these  articles  from 
the  colonies  ;  and  the  attempt  succeeding,  they  fell 
down  to  fifteen  shillings.  In  the  year  1756,  Great 
Britain  was  threatened  with  an  invasion:  An  easterly 
wind  blowing  for  six  weeks,  she  could  not  MAN 
her  fleet ;  and  the  whole  nation  was  thrown  into 
the  utmost  consternation.  The  wind  changed. 
The  American  ships  arrived.  The  fleet  sailed  in 
ten  or  fifteen  days.  There  are  some  other  reflec 
tions  on  this  subject  worthy  of  the  most  deliberate 
attention  of  the  British  parliament ;  but  they  are 
of  such  a  nature  that  I  do  not  chuse  to  mention 
them  publicly.  I  thought  I  discharged  my  duty  to 
my  country,  by  taking  the  liberty,  in  the  year  1765, 
while  the  stamp-act  was  in  suspence,  of  writing  my 
sentiments  to  a  man  of  the  greatest  influence  at 
home,  who  afterwards  distinguished  himself  by  es 
pousing  our  cause  in  the  debates  concerning  the  re 
peal  of  that  act.' 

"  When  we  review  a  performance  well  written, 
and  founded  upon  laudable  principles,  if  we  do 
not  restrain  ourselves  to  a  general  approbation, 
which  may  be  given  in  few  words,  the  article  will 
unavoidably  contain  more  from  the  author  of  it, 
than  from  ourselves  ;  this,  if  any  excuse  is  needful 
for  enabling  our  Readers,  in  some  measure,  to 
judge  for  themselves,  is  pleaded  as  an  apology  for 
our  copious  extracts  from  these  excellent  letters. 


NOTES.  Ixvii 

To  conclude  ;  if  reason  is  to  decide  between  us  and 
our  colonies,  in  the  affairs  here  controverted,  our 
Author,  whose  name  the  advertisements  inform 
us  is  Dickenson,*  will  not  perhaps  easily  meet  with 
a  satisfactory  refutation." 


>C     \  V   ~  f^s"     • 

f    UKI'.'ERSr 


*  Of  Pennsylvania.      See   his  dispute  with   Mr.  Galloway,  Re 
view,  vol.  xxxii.  p.  67. 


LETTERS 


FROM 


A      FARMER. 


LETTERS 


FROM 


A      FARMER   in    Pennfylvania, 


To     the    INHABITANTS 


OF      THE 


BRITISH     COLONIES 


BOSTON   : 

PRINTED     BY    MEIN    AND     FLEEMING,    AND     TO 
BE    SOLD    BY    JOHN    MEIN,    AT    THE 
LONDON  BOOK-STORE,  NORTH- 
SIDE  OF  KING-STREET. 
M  DCC  LXVIII. 


LETTERS 


FROM 


A       FARMER 


LETTER      I    . 

My  Dear  Countrymen, 

I  AM  a  FARMER,  fettled  after  a  variety 
of  fortunes,  near  the  banks,  of  the  river 
Delaware,  in  the  province  of  Pennfyhania. 
I  received  a  liberal  education,  and  have 
been  engaged  in  the  bufy  fcenes  of  life :  But 
am  now  convinced,  that  a  man  may  be  as 
happy  without  buftle,  as  with  it.  My  farm 
is  fmall,  my  fervants  are  few,  and  good ; 
I  have  a  little  money  at  intereft ;  I  wifh  for 
no  more  :  my  employment  in  my  own  af 
fairs  is  eafy ;  and  with  a  contented  grateful 
mind,  I  am  compleating  the  number  of 
days  allotted  to  me  by  divine  goodnefs. 

Being  matter  of  my  time,  I  fpend  a  good 
deal  of  it  in  a  library,  which  I  think  the 
moft  valuable  part  of  my  fmall  eftate  ;  and 


6  L  ETTER     I  . 

being  acquainted  with  two  or  three  gentle 
men  of  abilities  and  learning,  who  honour 
me  with  their  friendmip,  I  believe  I  have 
acquired  a  greater  mare  of  knowledge  in 
hiftory,  and  the  laws  and  conlHtution  of  my 
country,  than  is  generally  attained  by  men 
of  my  clafs,  many  of  them  not  being  fo 
fortunate  as  I  have  been  in  the  opportuni 
ties  of  getting  information. 

From  infancy  I  was  taught  to  love  huma 
nity  and  liberty.  Inquiry  and  experience 
have  lince  confirmed  my  reverence  for  the 
leflbns  then  given  me,  by  convincing  me 
more  fully  of  their  truth  and  excellence. 
Benevolence  towards  mankind  excites  willies 
for  their  welfare,  and  fuch  wifhes  endear  the 
means  of  fulfilling  them.  Thofe  can  be 
found  in  liberty  alone,  and  therefore  her 
facred  caufe  ought  to  be  efpoufed  by  every 
man,  on  every  occalion,  to  the  utmoft  of 
his  power :  as  a  charitable  but  poor  per- 
fon  does  not  withhold  his  mite,  becaufe  he 
cannot  relieve  all  the  diftrelles  of  the  mife- 
rable,  fo  let  not  any  honeft  man  fupprefs 
his  fentiments  concerning  freedom,  however 
fmall  their  influence  is  likely  to  be.  Per 
haps  he  may  "a  touch  fome  wheel"  that 
will  have  an  effed:  greater  than  he  expects. 

Thefe  being  my  fentiments,  I  am  encou 
raged  to  offer  to  you,  my  countrymen,  my 
thoughts  on  fome  late  tranfactions,  that  in 

#     POP  E. 


L  ETTER     I  .  7 

my  opinion  are  of  the  utmoft  importance  to 
you.  Confcious  of  my  defects,  I  have  wait 
ed  fome  time,  in  expectation  of  feeiag  the 
fubject  treated  by  perfons  much  better  qua 
lified  for  the  tafk ;  but  being  therein  difap- 
pointed,  and  apprehenfive  that  longer  delays 
will  be  injurious,  I  venture  at  length  to  re- 
queft  the  attention  of  the  public,  praying 
only  for  one  thing, — that  is  that  thefe  lines 
may  be  read  with  the  fame  zeal  for  the  hap- 
pinefs  of  Britim  America,  with  which  they 
were  'wrote. 

With  a  good  deal  of  furprife  I  have  ob- 
ferved,  that  little  notice  has  been  taken  of  an 
act  of  parliament,  as  injurious  in  its  principle 
to  the  liberties  of  thefe  colonies,  as  the 
STAMP-ACT  was:  I  mean  the  act  for  fuf- 
pending  the  legislation  of  New-York. 

The  arTembly  of  that  government  com 
plied  with  a  former  act  of  parliament,  re 
quiring  certain  proviiions  to  be  made  for 
the  troops  in  America,  in  every  particular, 
I  think,  except  the  articles  of  fait,  pepper, 
and  vinegar.  In  my  opinion  they  acted 
imprudently,  conlidering  all  circumstances, 
in  not  complying  fo  far,  as  would  have 
given  fatisfaction,  as  feveral  colonies  did : 
but  my  diilike  of  their  conduct  in  that 
inftance,  has  not  blinded  me  fo  much,  that 
I  cannot  plainly  perceive,  that  they  have 
been  punimed  in  a  manner  pernicious  to 
American  freedom,  and  juftly  alarming  to 
all  the  colonies. 


8  L  ETTE  R     I  . 

If  the  BRITISH  PARLIAMENT  has  a 
legal  authority  to  order,  that  we  fhall  fur- 
nifh  a  fingle  article  for  the  troops  here,  and 
to  compel  obedience  to  that  order;  they 
have  the  fame  right  to  order  us  to  fupply 
thofe  troops  with  arms,  cloaths,  and  every 
neceffary,  and  to  compel  obedience  to  that 
order  alfo ;  in  fhort,  to  lay  any  burdens 
they  pleafe  upon  us.  What  is  this  but 
taxing  us  at  a  certain  fum,  and  leaving  to 
us  only  the  manner  of  railing  it?  How  is 
this  mode  more  tolerable  than  the  STAMP 
ACT  ?  Would  that  acl:  have  appeared  more 
pleafing  to  A  M  E  R  i  c  A  N  s,  if  being  ordered 
thereby  to  raife  the  fum  total  of  the  taxes, 
the  mighty  privilege  had  been  left  to  them, 
of  faying  how  much  mould  be  paid  for 
an  inftrument  of  writing  on  paper,  and 
how  much  for  another  on  parchment  ? 

An  acl  of  parliament  commanding  us  to 
do  a  certain  thing,  if  it  has  any  validity, 
is  a  tax  upon  us  for  the  expence  that  accrues 
in  complying  with  it,  and  for  this  reafon,  I 
believe,  every  colony  on  the  continent,  that 
chofe  to  give  a  mark  of  their  refpeft  for 
GREAT-BRITAIN,  in  complying  with  the 
acl  relating  to  the  troops,  cautiously  avoided 
the  mention  of  that  a6t,  left  their  condud: 
mould  be  attributed  to  its  fuppofed  obliga 
tion. 

The  matter  being  thus  ftated,  the  afTembly 
of  New- Tor  &  either  had,  or  had  not  a  right 
to  refufe  fubmiffion  to  that  ad.  If  they 


L  ETTE  R     I  .  9 

had,  and  I  imagine  no  AMERICAN  will  fay, 
they  had  not,  then  the  parliament  had  no 
right  to  compel  them  to  execute  it. — If  they 
had  not  that  rig/it,  they  had  no  right  to 
punifh  them  for  not  executing  it ;  and  there 
fore  had  no  right  to  fufpend  their  legiilation, 
which  is  a  punifhment.  In  fact,  if  the 
people  of  New-York  cannot  be  legally  taxed 
but  by  their  own  reprefentatives,  they  can 
not  be  legally  deprived  of  the  privileges  of 
making  laws,  only  for  infilling  on  that  ex- 
clufive  privilege  of  taxation.  If  they  may 
be  legally  deprived  in  fuch  a  cafe  of  the 
privilege  of  making  laws,  why  may  they 
not,  with  equal  reafon,  be  deprived  of  every 
other  privilege  ?  Or  why  may  not  every 
colony  be  treated  in  the  fame  manner, 
when  any  of  them  mall  dare  to  deny  their 
afTent  to  any  impofitions  that  mail  be  di 
rected  ?  Or  what  fignifies  the  repeal  of  the 
STAMP-ACT,  if  thefe  colonies  are  to  lofe 
their  other  privileges,  by  not  tamely  fur- 
rendering  that  of  taxation? 

There  is  one  confederation  arifing  from  this 
fufpicion,  which  is  not  generally  attended  to, 
but  mews  its  importance  very  clearly.  It  was 
not  necejfary  that  this  fufpenfion  mould  be 
caufed  by  an  act  of  parliament.  The  crown 
might  have  reftrained  the  governor  of  New- 
York,  even  from  calling  the  afTembly  toge 
ther,  by  its  prerogative  in  the  royal  govern 
ments.  This  flep,  I  fuppofe,  would  have 

B 


io  LETTE  R     I  . 

been  taken,  if  the  conduct  of  the  aiTembly  of 
New-Tor k,  had  been  regarded  as  an  a6t  of 
difobedience  to  the  crown  alone:  but  it  is 
regarded  as  an  ad:  of  "  difobedience  to 
"  the  authority  of  the  BRITISH  LEGISLA- 
"  TURE."  This  gives  the  fufpenlion  a 
confequence  vaftly  more  affecting.  It  is  a 
parliamentary  afTertion  of  the  fupreme  autho 
rity  of  the  Britijh  legijlature  over  thefe  colo 
nies  in  the  part  of  taxation ;  and  is  intend 
ed  to  COMPEL  New-Turk  unto  a  fubmiffion 
to  that  authority.  It  feems  therefore  to  me 
as  much  a  violation  of  the  liberty  of  the  peo 
ple  of  that  province,  and  confequently  of  all 
thefe  colonies,  as  if  the  parliament  had  fent  a 
number  of  regiments  to  be  quartered  upon 
them  till  they  mould  comply.  For  it  is  evi 
dent,  that  the  fufpenfion  is  meant  as  a  com- 
pulfion  ;  and  the  method  of  compelling  is  to 
tally  indifferent.  It  is  indeed  probable,  that  the 
fight  of  red  coats,  and  the  beating  of  drums 
would  have  been  moft  alarming,  becaufe 
people  are  generally  more  influenced  by  their 
eyes  and  ears  than  by  their  reafon  :  But  who 
ever  ferioufly  confiders  the  matter,  mufl 
perceive,  that  a  dreadful  ftroke  is  aimed  at 
the  liberty  of  thefe  colonies  :  For  the  caufe 
of  one  is  the  caufe  of  all.  If  the  parliament 
may  lawfully  deprive  New-Tor k  of  any  of 
its  rights,  it  may  deprive  any,  or  all  the  o- 
ther  colonies  of  their  rights  ;  and  nothing 
can  poffibly  fo  much  encourage  fuch  at 
tempts,  as  a  mutual  inattention  to  the  in- 


L  ETTER     I  .  ii 

tereft  of  each  other.  To  divide,  and  thus  to 
dejlroy,  is  the  firft  political  maxim  in  attack 
ing  thofe  who  are  powerful  by  their  union. 
He  certainly  is  not  a  wife  man,  who  folds  his 
arms  and  repofeth  himself  at  home,  feeing 
with  unconcern  the  flames  that  have  invaded 
his  neighbour's  houfe,  without  any  endea 
vours  to  extinguish  them.  When  Mr.  Hamp- 
den  s  (hip-money  caufe,  for  three  millings 
and  four-pence,  was  tried,  all  the  people  of 
England,  with  anxious  expectation,  intereft- 
ed  themfelves  in  the  important  decifion ;  and 
when  the  flighteft  point  touching  the  free 
dom  of  a  fmgle  colony  is  agitated,  I  earnefl- 
ly  wifh,  that  all  the  reft  may  with  equal  ar 
dour  fupport  their  fifter.  Very  much  may 
be  faid  on  this  fubje6t,  but  I  hope,  more  at 
prefent  is  unneceffary. 

With  concern  I  have  obferved  that  two 
afTemblies  of  this  province  have  fat  and  ad 
journed,  without  taking  any  notice  of  this 
act.  It  may  perhaps  be  afked,  what  would 
have  been  proper  for  them  to  do  ?  I  am  by 
no  means  fond  of  inflammatory  meafures.  I 

deteft  them. 1   mould  be  forry  that  any 

thing  mould  be  done  which  might  juftly  dif- 
pleafe  our  fovereign  or  our  mother-country. 
But  a  firm,  modeft  exertion  of  a  free  fpirit, 
mould  never  be  wanting  on  public  occafions. 
It  appears  to  me,  that  it  would  have  been 
Sufficient  for  the  alTembly,  to  have  ordered 
our  agents  to  reprefent  to  the  King's  mini- 
fters,  their  fenfe  of  the  fufpending  aft,  and 

B  2 


12  LETTER     I  . 

to  pray  for  its  repeal.  Thus  we  fhould  have 
borne  our  teftimony  againft  it;  and  might 
therefore  reafonably  expecT:  that  on  a  like 
occafion,  we  might  receive  the  fame  affift- 
ance  from  the  other  colonies. 

"  Concordla  res  parvce  crefcunt. 
Small  things  grow  great  by  concord. — 

A   FARMER. 


LETTER       I  I 


Beloved  Countrymen, 

THERE  is  another  late  aft  of  parlia 
ment,  which  feems  to  me  to  be  as 
definitive  to  the  liberty  of  thefe  colonies, 
as  that  inferted  in  my  laft  letter ;  that  is, 
the  act  for  granting  the  duties  on  paper, 
glafs,  &c.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  uncon- 
ftitutional. 

The  parliament  unqueftionably  pofTelTes  a 
legal  authority  to  regulate  the  trade  of 
Great-Britain,  and  all  its  colonies.  Such 
an  authority  is  elTential  to  the  relation  be 
tween  a  mother  country  and  its  colonies ; 
and  neceflary  for  the  common  good  of  all. 
He,  who  confiders  thefe  provinces  as  ftates 
difKnct  from  the  Britijh  Empire,  has  very 
ilender  notions  of  juftice  or  of  their  interefts. 
We  are  but  parts  of  a  whole ;  and  there 
fore  there  muft  exift  a  power  fomewhere,  to 
prefide,  and  preferve  the  connection  in  due 
order.  This  power  is  lodged  in  the  parlia 
ment;  and  we  are  as  much  dependant  on 
Great-Britain,  as  a  perfectly  free  people  can 
be  on  another. 

I  have  looked  over  every  Jiatute   relating 
to  thefe  colonies,  from  their  firft  fettlement 


14  LETTE  R     I  I  . 

to  this  time ;  and  I  find  every  one  of  them 
founded  on  this  principle,  till  the  STAMP- 
ACT  adminiftration3.  All  before  are  cal 
culated  to  preferve  or  promote  a  mu 
tually  beneficial  intercourfe  between  the 
feveral  conftituent  parts  of  the  empire ; 

(a)  For  the  fatisfa&ion  of  the  reader,  recitals  from 
former  afts  of  parliament  relating  to  thefe  colonies 
are  added.  By  comparing  thefe  with  the  modern  acts, 
he  will  perceive  their  great  difference  in  expreffion 
and  intention. 

The  1 2th  Cha.  II  Chap.  18,  which  forms  the  founda 
tion  of  the  laws  relating  to  our  trade,  by  enacting  that 
certain  productions  of  the  colonies  lhall  be  carried  to 
England  only,  and  that  no  goods  fhall  be  imported  from 
the  plantations  but  in  {hips  belonging  to  England,  Ire 
land,  Wales,  Berwick,  or  the  Plantations,  &c.  begins 
thus :  "  For  the  increafe  of  (hipping,  and  encourage 
ment  of  the  navigation  of  this  nation,  wherein,  under 
the  good  providence  and  protection  of  God,  the  wealth, 
fafety,  and  ftrength  of  this  kingdom  is  fo  much 
concerned,"  &c. 

The  1 5th  Cha.  II.  Chap.  7.  enforcing  the  fame  regu 
lation,  afligns  thefe  reafons  for  it.  "  In  regard  to  his 
Majefty's  plantations,  beyond  the  feas,  are  inhabited  and 
peopled  by  his  fubje£ts  of  this  his  kingdom  of  England  ; 
for  the  maintaining  a  greater  correfpondence  and  kind- 
nefs  between  them,  and  keeping  them  in  a  firmer  de 
pendence  upon  it,  and  rendering  them  yet  more  bene 
ficial  and  advantageous  unto  it,  in  the  further  employ 
ment  and  increafe  of  English  fhipping  and  feamen,  vent 
of  Englim  woolen,  and  other  manufactures  and  com 
modities,  rendering  the  navigation  to  and  from  the 
fame  more  fafe  and  cheap,  and  making  this  kingdom  a 
ftaple,  not  only  of  the  commodities  of  thofe  planta 
tions,  but  alfo  of  the  commodities  of  other  countries 
and  places  for  the  fupplying  of  them ;  and  it  being  the 
ufage  of  other  nations  to  keep  their  plantations  trade 
to  themselves,"  &c. 

The  25th  Cha.  II.  Chap.  7,  made  exprefsly  "  for  the 
better  fecuring  the  plantation  trade,"  which  impofes 


LETTER     II.  15 

and  though  many  of  them  impofed  du 
ties  on  trade,  yet  thofe  duties  were  always 
impofed  with  defign  to  reftrain  the  com 
merce  of  one  part,  that  was  injurious  to  ano 
ther,  and  thus  to  promote  the  general  wel 
fare.  The  railing  a  revenue  thereby  was 

duties  on  certain  commodities  exported  from  one  colo 
ny  to  another,  mentions  this  laft  for  impofing  them  : 
u  Whereas  by  one  a6l  pafled  in  the  I2th  year  of  your 
Majefty's  reign,  intitled,  an  acT:  for  encouragement  of 
{hipping  and  navigation,  and  by  feveral  other  laws,  paf- 
fed  fince  that  time,  it  is  permitted  to  {hip,  &c.  fugars, 
tobacco,  &c.  of  the  growth,  &c.  of  any  of  your  Maje 
fty's  plantations  in  America  &c.  from  the  places  of 
their  growth,  &c.  to  any  other  of  your  Majefty's  plan 
tations  in  thofe  parts,  &c.  and  that  without  paying  of 
cuftom  for  the  fame,  either  at  the  lading  or  unlading 
the  faid  commodities,  by  means  whereof  the  trade 
and  navigation  in  thofe  commodities  from  one  planta 
tion  to  another  is  greatly  encreafed,  and  the  inhabi 
tants  of  divers  of  thofe  colonies,  not  contenting  them- 
felves  with  being  fupplied  with  thofe  commodities  for 
their  own  ufe,  free  from  all  cuftoms  (while  the  fubjects  of 
this  your  kingdom  of  England  have  paid  great  cuftoms 
and  impofitions  for  what  of  them  hath  been  fpent  here) 
but,  contrary  to  the  exprefs  letter  of  the  aforesaid  laws, 
have  brought  into  diverfe  parts  of  Europe  great  quan 
tities  thereof,  and  do  alfo  vend  great  quantities  thereof 
to  the  {hipping  of  other  nations,  who  bring  them  into 
divers  parts  of  Europe,  to  the  great  hurt  and  diminuti 
on  of  your  Majefty's  cuftoms,  and  of  the  trade  and  na 
vigation  of  this  your  kingdom ;  for  the  prevention 
thereof,  &c. 

The  ;th  and  8th  Will.  III.  Chap.  21,  intitled,  "An 
act  for  preventing  frauds,  and  regulating  abufes  in 
the  plantation  trade,"  recites  that,  "  notwithftanding 
diverfe  acts,  &c.  great  abufes  are  daily  committed,  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  English  navigation,  and  the  lofs  of 
a  great  part  of  the  plantation  trade  to  this  kingdom,  by 
the  artifice  and  cunning  of  ill  difpofed  perfons :  for  re 
medy  whereof,  &c.  And  whereas  in  fome  of  his  Majef- 


16  LETTER     II. 

never  intended.  Thus,  the  king  by  his  judges 
in  his  courts  of  juftice,  impofes  fines,  which 
all  together  amount  to  a  coniiderable  fum, 
and  contribute  to  the  fupport  of  govern 
ment  :  but  this  is  merely  a  confequence  a- 
rifmg  from  reftricTiions,  which  only  meant  to 

ty's  American  plantations,  a  doubt  or  mifconftru&ion 
has  arifen  upon  the  before  mentioned  >6ls,  made  in  the 
2fth  year  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  whereby  cer 
tain  duties  are  laid  upon  the  commodities  therein  enu 
merated  (which  by  law  may  be  tranfported  from  one 
plantation  to  another,  for  the  fupplying  of  each  others 
wants)  as  if  the  fame  were,  by  the  payment  of  thole 
duties  in  one  plantation,  difcharged  from  giving  the  fe- 
curities  intended  by  the  aforesaid  a£ts,  made  in  the  I2th 
22d  and  23d  years  of  the  reign  of  King  Charles  II.  and 
confequently  be  at  liberty  to  go  to  any  foreign  market 
in  Europe,"  &c. 

The  6th  Anne,  Chap.  37,  reciting  the  advancement  of 
trade,  &c.  and  encouragement  of  {hips  of  war,  &c.  grants 
to  the  captors  the  property  of  all  prizes  carried  into  A- 
merica,  fubjecl  to  fuch  cuftoms  and  duties,  &c.  as  if  the 
fame  had  been  firft  imported  into  any  part  of  Great- 
Britain,  and  from  thence  exported,  &c. 

This  was  a  gift  to  perfons  acting  under  commiffions 
from  the  crown,  and  therefore  it  was  reafonable  that  the 

terms  prefcribed  {hould  be  complied  with more 

efpecially  as  the  payment  of  fuch  duties  was  intend 
ed  to  give  a  preference  to  the  productions  of  the  Britifli 
colonies,  over  thofe  of  other  colonies.  However,  being 
found  inconvenient  to  the  colonies,  about  four  years  af 
terwards,  this  a£t  was,  for  that  reafon,  fo  far  repealed, 
by  another  SL&  "  all  prize  goods,  imported  into  a- 
"  ny  part  of  Great-Britain,  from  any  of  the  plantations, 
"  were  liable  to  fuch  duties  only  in  Great-Britain, 
"  as  in  cafe  they  had  been  of  the  growth  and  produce  of 
"  the  plantations,"  &c. 

The  6th  Geo.  II.  Chap.  13,  which  impofes  duties  on 
foreign  rum,  fugar  and  molafles,  imported  into  the  co 
lonies,  {hews  the  reafon  thus. — "  Whereas  the  welfare 


LETTER     II.  17 

keep  peace,  and  prevent  confulion ;  and  fure- 
ly  a  man  would  argue  very  loofely,  who 
fhould  conclude  from  hence,  that  the  King 
has  a  right  to  levy  money  in  general  upon 
his  fubjecls ;  Never  did  the  Eritifh  parliament, 
till  the  period  abovementioned,  think  of  im- 
poling  duties  in  America  FOR  THE  PUR- 
POSE  OF  RAISING  A  REVENUE.  Mr.  Green- 
ville 's  fagacity  firft  introduced  this  language, 
in  the  preamble  to  the  4th  of  Geo.  III.  Ch. 
i  5,  which  has  thefe  words — "  And  whereas 
it  is  juft  and  necefTary  that  a  REVENUE  BE 

RAISED  IN  YOUR  MAJESTY'S  SAID  DOMIN 
IONS  IN  AMERICA,  for  defraying  the  ex- 
pences  of  defending,  protecting  and  fecuring 
the  fame:  We  your  Majesty's  moft  dutiful 
and  loyal  fubjects,  THE  COMMONS  OF 
GREATBRITAIN,  in  parliament  aflembled, 

C 

and  profperity  of  your  Majefty's  fugar  colonies  in  Ame 
rica,  are  of  the  greateft  confequence  and  importance  to 
the  trade,  navigation  and  ftrength  of  this  kingdom ; 
and  whereas  the  planters  of  the  faid  fugar  colonies,  have 
of  late  years  fallen  under  fuch  great  difcouragements 
that  they  are  unable  to  improve  or  carry  on  the  fugar 
trade,  upon  an  equal  footing  with  the  foreign  fugar 
colonies,  without  fome  advantage  and  relief  be  given  to 
them  from  Great-Britain :  For  remedy  whereof,  and 
for  the  good  and  welfare  of  your  Majefty's  fubje<5ts,"  &c. 
The  agth  Geo.  II.  Chap.  26.  and  the  i  ft  Geo.  IILChap. 
9,  which  contains  6th  Geo.  II.  Chap.  13,  declare, 
that  the  faid  act  hath,  by  experience,  been  found  ufeful 
and  beneficial,  &c.  Thefe  are  all  the  moft  confiderable 
ftatutes  relating  to  the  commerce  of  the  colonies ;  and 
it  is  thought  to  be  utterly  unnecefTary  to  add  any  obfer- 
vations  to  thefe  extracts,  to  prove  that  they  were  all  in 
tended  folely  as  regulations  of  trade. 


i8  LETTER     II. 

being  defirous  to  make  fome  provifion  in 
the  prefent  feffion  of  parliament,  towards 
railing  the  faid  revenue  in  America,  have 
refolved  to  give  and  grant  unto  your  Ma- 
jefty  the  feveral  rates  and  duties  herein  after 
mentioned,"  &c. 

A  few  months  after  came  the  Stamp-act, 
which  reciting  this,  proceeds  in  the  fame 
ftrange  mode  of  expreffion,  thus — "  And 
whereas  it  is  juft  and  neceflary,  that  pro 
vifion  be  made  FOR  RAISING  A  FURTHER  REVE 
NUE  WITHIN  YOUR  MAJESTY'S  DOMINIONS  IN  AME 
RICA,  towards  defraying  the  faid  expences, 
we  your  Majefty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  fub- 
j  efts,  the  COMMONS  OF  GREAT- BRITAIN, 
&c.  GIVE  and  GRANT,"  &c.  as  before. 

The  laft  a6t,  granting  duties  upon  paper, 
&c.  carefully  purfues  thefe  modern  prece 
dents.  The  preamble  is,  "  Whereas  it  is 
expedient  that  a  revenue  mould  be  raifed  in 
your  Majefty's  dominions  in  America,  for 
making  a  more  certain  and  adequate  pro 
vifion  for  the  defraying  the  charge  of  the 
adminiftration  of  juftice,  and  the  fupport  of 
civil  government  in  fuch  provinces,  where 
it  (hall  be  found  neceflary ;  and  towards 
the  further  defraying  the  expences  of  de 
fending,  protecting  and  fecuring  the  faid  do 
minions,  we  your  Majefty's  moft  dutiful  and 
loyal  fubjefts,  the  COMMONS  OF  GREAT 
BRiTAiN,&c.giveand  grant,"  &c.asbefore. 

Here  we  may  obferve  an  authority  expresjly 
claimed  to  impofe  duties  on  thefe  colonies ; 


LETTER     II.  19 

not  for  the  regulation  of  trade ;  not  for 
the  prefervation  or  promotion  of  a  mutually 
beneficial  intercourfe  between  the  feveral 
conftituent  parts  of  the  empire,  heretofore 
the  fole  objeSts  of  parliamentary  institutions  ; 
but  for  the  Jingle  purpofe  of  levying  money 
upon  us. 

This  I  call  an  b  innovation  ;  and  a  moft 
dangerous  innovation.  It  may  perhaps  be 
objected,  that  Great-Britain  has  a  right  to 
lay  what  duties  me  pleafes  upon  her  c  ex 
ports,  and  it  makes  no  difference  to  us, 
whether  they  are  paid  here  or  there. 

To  this  I  anfwer.  Thefe  colonies  require 
many  things  for  their  ufe,  which  the  laws 
of  Great-Britain  prohibit  them  from  getting 
any  where  but  from  her.  Such  are  paper 
and  glafs. 

(£)  It  is  worthy  obfervation  how  quickly  fubfidies, 
granted  in  forms  ufual  and  accuftomable  (tho'  heavy) 
are  borne ;  fuch  a  power  hath  ufe  and  cuftom.  On  the 
other  fide,  what  difcontentment  and  difturbances  fub- 
fidies  formed  on  new  moulds  do  raife  (fuch  an  inbred 
hatred  novelty  doth  hatch)  is  evident  by  examples  of 
former  times.  Lord  Coke's  2d  inftitute,  p.  33. 

(r)  Some  people,  whofe  minds  feem  incapable  of  u- 
niting  two  ideas,  think  that  Great-Britain  has  the  fame 
right  to  impofe  duties  on  the  exports  to  thefe  colo 
nies,  as  on  thofe  to  Spain  and  Portugal,  &c.  Such  per- 
fons  attend  fo  much  to  the  idea  of  exportation,  that  they 
entirely  drop  that  of  the  connection  between  the  mother 
country  and  her  colonies.  If  Great-Britain  had  always 
claimed,  and  exercifed  an  authority  to  compel  Spain  and 
Portugal  to  import  manufactures  from  her  only,  the  ca 
fes  would  be  parallel :  But  as  fhe  never  pretended  to 
fuch  a  right,  they  are  at  liberty  to  get  them  where  they 
pleafe ;  and  if  they  chufe  to  take  them  from  her,  rather 
than  from  other  nations,  they  voluntary  confent  to  pay 
the  duties  impofed  on  them. 


20  LETTER     II. 

That  we  may  be  legally  bound  to  pay  any 
general  duties  on  thefe  commodities,  relative 
to  the  regulation  of  trade,  is  granted;  but 
we  being  obliged  by  her  laws  to  take  them 
from  Great  Britain,  any  f pedal  duties  im- 
pofed  on  their  exportation  to  us  only,  with 
intention  to  raife  a  revenue  from  us  only,  are 
as  much  taxes  upon  us,  as  thofe  imposed  by 
the  Stamp-aft. 

What  is  the  difference  \i\fubftance  and 
right,  whether  the  fame  fum  is  raifed  upon 
us  by  the  rates  mentioned  in  the  Stamp-aft, 
on  the  ufe  of  the  paper,  or  by  thefe  duties,  on 
the  importation  of  it.  It  is  nothing  but  the 
edition  of  a  former  book,  with  a  new  title 
page. 

Suppofe  the  duties  were  made  payable  in 
Great-Britain  ? 

It  fignifies  nothing  to  us,  whether  they 
are  to  be  paid  here  or  there.  Had  the 
Stamp-aft  directed,  that  all  the  paper  mould 
be  landed  in  Florida,  and  the  duties  paid 
there,  before  it  was  brought  to  the  Eritifh 
Colonies,  would  the  act  have  raifed  lefs  mo 
ney  upon  us,  or  have  been  lefs  destructive 
of  our  rights?  By  no  means:  For  as  we 
were  under  a  neceffity  of  ufmg  the  paper, 
we  mould  have  been  under  the  neceffity  of 
paying  the  duties.  Thus,  in  the  prefent 
cafe,  a  like  neceffity  will  fubject  us,  if  this 
act  continues  in  force,  to  the  payment  of  the 
duties  now  impofed. 


LETTER     II  .  21 

Why  was  the  Stamp-aft  then  fo  pernicious 
to  freedom  ?  It  did  not  enact,  that  every 
man  in  the  colonies  Jhould  buy  a  certain 
quantity  of  paper — No :  It  only  directed, 
that  no  inftrument  of  writing  mould  be 
valid  in  law,  if  not  made  on  {lamp  paper, 
&c. 

The  makers  of  that  act  knew  full  well, 
that  the  confulions  that  would  arife  upon 
the  difufe  of  writings  would  COMPEL  the 
colonies  to  ufe  the  {tamp  paper,  and 
therefore  to  pay  the  taxes  impofed.  For 
this  reafon  the  Stamp-aft  was  faid  to  be  a 

law  THAT  WOULD  EXECUTE  ITSELF.     For  the 

very  fame  reafon,  the  laft  act  of  parliament, 
if  it  is  granted  to  have  any  force  here,  will 
execute  itfelf,  and  will  be  attended  with  the 
very  fame  confequences  to  American  Liberty. 
Some  perfons  perhaps  may  fay,  that  this 
aft  lays  us  under  no  neceffity  to  pay  the  du 
ties  impofed,  becaufe  we  may  ourfelves  ma 
nufacture  the  articles  on  which  they  are 
laid:  whereas  by  the  Stamp-ad:  no  inftru- 
ment  of  writing  could  be  good,  unlefs  made 
on  Britim  paper,  and  that  too  ftampt. 

"  Such  an  objection  amounts  to  no  more 
than  this,  that  the  injury  refulting  to  thefe 
colonies,  from  the  total  difufe  of  Britim  pa 
per  and  glafs,  will  not  be  fo  afflicting  as  that 
which  would  have  refulted  from  the  total 
difufe  of  writing  among  them ;  for  by  that 
means  even  the  {lamp-act  might  have  been 
eluded.  Why  then  was  it  univerfally  detef- 


22  LETTER     II. 

ted  by  them  as  ilavery  itself?  Becaufe  it 
prefented  to  thefe  devoted  provinces  nothing 
but  a  choice  of  calamities,  imbittered  by 
indignities,  each  of  which  it  was  unworthy 
of  freemen  to  bear.  But  is  no  injury  a  vi 
olation  of  right  but  the  greateft  injury  ?  If 
the  eluding  the  payment  of  the  duties  im- 
pofed  by  the  ftamp-acT:,  would  have  fubject- 
ed  us  to  a  more  dreadful  inconvenience,  than 
the  eluding  the  payment  of  thofe  impofed  by 
the  late  act;  does  it  therefore  follow,  that 
the  laft  is  no  violation  of  our  rights,  though 
it  is  calculated  for  the  fame  purpofe  that  the 
other  was,  that  is,  to  raife  money  upon  us, 

WITHOUT   OUR    CONSENT  ? 

This  would  be  making  right  to  confift, 
not  in  an  exemption  from  injury,  but  from 
a  certain  degree  of  injury. 

But  the  objectors  may  further  fay,  that 
we  mail  fuftain  no  injury  at  all  by  the  difufe 
of  Britim  paper  and  glafs.  We  might  not, 
if  we  could  make  as  much  as  we  want. 
But  can  any  man,  acquainted  with  Ameri 
ca,  believe  this  poffible  ?  I  am  told  there 
are  but  two  or  three  glafs-houfes  on  this 
continent,  and  but  very  few  paper-mills  ; 
and  fuppofe  more  mould  be  erected,  a  long 
courfe  of  years  muft  elapfe,  before  they  can 
be  brought  to  perfection.  This  continent 
is  a  country  of  planters,  farmers,  and  fim- 
ermen  ;  not  of  manufacturers.  The  diffi 
culty  of  eftablifhing  particular  manufactures 
in  fuch  a  country,  is  almoft  infuperable, 


LETTER     II.  23 

for  one  manufacture  is  connected  with  o- 
thers  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  it  may  be  faid 
to  be  impomble  to  eftablifh  one  or  two, 
without  eftabliming  feveral  others.  The 
experience  of  many  nations  may  convince 
us  of  this  truth. 

Inexpreffible  therefore  muft  be  our  di- 
flrelTes  in  evading  the  late  acts,  by  the  dif- 
ufe  of  Britim  paper  and  glafs.  Nor  will  this 
be  the  extent  of  our  misfortunes,  if  we  ad 
mit  the  legality  of  that  act. 

Great-Britain  has  prohibited  the  manu 
facturing  iron  and  fteel  in  thefe  colonies, 
without  any  objection  being  made  to  her 
right  of  doing  it.  The  like  right  me  muft 
have  to  prohibit  any  other  manufacture  a- 
mong  us.  Thus  me  is  porTefTed  of  an  undif- 
puted  precedent  on  that  point.  This  autho 
rity,  me  will  fay,  is  founded  on  the  original 
intention  of  fettling  thefe  colonies ;  that  is, 
that  me  mould  manufacture  for  them,  and 
that  they  mould  fupply  her  with  materials. 
The  equity  of  this  policy,  me  will  alfo  fay, 
has  been  univerfally  acknowledged  by  the 
colonies,  who  never  have  made  the  leaft  ob 
jection  to  ftatutes  for  that  purpofe  ;  and  will 
further  appear  by  the  mutual  benefits  flowing 
from  this  ufage,  ever  fmce  the  fettlement  of 
thefe  colonies. 

Our  great  advocate,  Mr.  PITT,  in  his 
fpeeches  on  the  debate  concerning  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp-aft,  acknowledged,  that  Great 
Britain  could  refhrain  our  manufactures.  His 


24  LETTER     II. 

words  are  thefe —  "  This  kingdom,  as  the 
fupreme  governing  and  legiflative  power, 
has  always  bound  the  colonies  by  her  regu 
lations  and  reftriStions  in  trade,  in  navigati 
on,  in  manufactures in  every  thing,  ex 
cept  that  of  taking  their  money  out  of  their 

pockets ,  WITHOUT   THEIR    CONSENT."      A- 

gain  he  fays,  "  We   may  bind   their  trade, 

CONFINE     THEIR     MANUFACTURES,      and 

exercife  every  power  whatever,  except  that 
of  taking  money  out  of  their  pockets,  WITH 
OUT  THEIR  CONSENT. 

Here  then,  let  my  countrymen,  ROUSE 
yourfelves,  and  behold  the  ruin  hanging  o- 
ver  their  heads.  If  they  ONCE  admit,  that 
Great-Britain  may  lay  duties  upon  her  ex- 
portations  to  us,  for  the  purpofe  of  levying 
money  on  us  only,  me  then  will  have  nothing 
to  do,  but  to  lay  thofe  duties  on  the  arti 
cles  which  me  prohibits  us  to  manufacture — 
and  the  tragedy  of  American  liberty  is  finifh- 
ed.  We  have  been  prohibited  from  procuring 
manufactures,  in  all  cafes,  any  where  but 
from  Great-Britain,  (excepting  linens,  which 
we  are  permitted  to  import  directly  from 
Ireland).  We  have  been  prohibited,  in  fome 
cafes,  from  manufacturing  for  ourfelves ; 
We  are  therefore  exactly  in  the  fituation  of  a 
city  belieged,  which  is  furrounded  by  the 
works  of  the  befiegers  in  every  part  but  one. 
If  that  is  clofed  up,  no  ftep  can  be  taken,  but 
to  furrender  at  difcretion.  If  Great-Britain 
can  order  us  to  come  to  her  for  neceflaries  we 


LETTER     II.  25 

want,  and  can  order  us  to  pay  what  taxes 
me  pleafes  before  we  take  them  away,  or 

when  we  have  them  here,  we  are  as  abject 

j 

(laves,  as  France  and  Poland  can  mew  in 
wooden  ihoes,  and  with  uncombed  hair.0 

Perhaps  the  nature  of  the  neceffities  of  the 
dependant  ftates,  caufed  by  the  policy  of  a 
governing  one,  for  her  own  benefit,  may 
be  elucidated  by  a  fad:  mentioned  in  hiftory. 
When  the  Carthaginians  were  porTefTed  of 
the  ifland  of  Sardinia,  they  made  a  decree, 
that  the  Sardinians  mould  not  get  corn, 
any  other  way  than  from  the  Carthaginians. 
Then,  by  impofing  any  duties  they  would, 
they  drained  from  the  miferable  Sardini 
ans  any  fums  they  pleafed  ;  and  whenever 
that  opprefled  people  made  the  leaft  move 
ment  to  ailert  their  liberty,  their  tyrants 
ftarved  them  to  death  or  fubmirfion.  This 
may  be  called  the  moft  perfect  kind  of  pp- 
litical  neceffity. 

From  what  has  been  faid,  I  think  this  un- 
controvertible  conclufion  may  be  deduced, 
that  when  a  ruling  ftate  obliges  a  dependant 
ftate  to  take  certain  commodities  from  her 
alone,  it  is  implied  in  the  nature  of  that  obli 
gation  ;  and  is  efTentially  requifite  to  give  it 
the  leaft  degree  of  juftice;  and  is  infeparably 

D 


(r)  The  peafants  of  France  wear  wooden  (hoes ;  and 
the  vaflals  of  Poland  are  remarkable  for  matted  hair, 
which  never  can  be  combed. 


26  LETTER     II. 

united  with  it,  in  order  to  preferve  any  mare 
of  freedom  to  the  dependant  ftate ;  that  thofe 
commodities  mould  never  be  loaded  with 
duties  for  the  fole  purpofe  of  levying  money 
on  the  dependant  ftate. 

The  place  of  paying  the  duties  impofed 
by  the  late  act,  appears  to  me  therefore  to  be 
totally  immaterial.  The  lingle  queftion  is, 
whether  the  parliament  can  legally  impofe 
duties  to  be  paid  by  the  people  of  thefe  colo 
nies  Only  FOR  THESOLEPURPOSEOFRAIS- 

ING  A  REVENUE,  on  commodities  'which  Jhe 
obliges  us  to  take  from  her  alone ;  or,  in  o- 
ther  words,  whether  the  parliament  can  le 
gally  take  money  out  of  our  pockets,  without 
our  confent.  If  they  can,  our  boafted  liber 
ty  is  but 

Vox  et  prceterea  nihil. 

A  found,  and  nothing  else. 

A     FARM  ER. 


LETTER     III. 

Beloved  Countrymen, 

IR  E  J  O  I  C  E  to  find,  that  my  two  former 
letters  to  you,  have  been  generally  re 
ceived  with  fo  much  favour  by  fuch  of  you 
whofe  fentiments  I  have  had  an  opportunity 
of  knowing.  Could  you  look  into  my  heart, 
you  would  inftantly  perceive  an  ardent  affec 
tion  for  your  perfons,  a  zealous  attachment 
to  your  interefts,  a  lively  refentment  of  e- 
very  infult  and  injury  offered  to  your  honour 
or  happinefs,  and  an  inflexible  refolution  to 
afTert  your  rights,  to  the  utmoft  of  my 
weak  power,  to  be  the  only  motives  that 
have  engaged  me  to  addrefs  you. 

I  am  no  further  concerned  in  any  thing 
affecting  America,  than  any  one  of  you,  and 
when  liberty  leaves  it  I  can  quit  it  much 
more  conveniently  than  moft  of  you :  but 
while  divine  providence,  that  gave  me  exif- 
tence  in  a  land  of  freedom,  permits  my 
head  to  think,  my  lips  to  fpeak,  and  my 
hand  to  move,  I  mail  fo  highly  and  grate 
fully  value  the  bleffing  received,  as  to  take 
care  that  my  filence  and  inactivity  mail  not 
give  my  implied  arTent  to  any  act  degrading 
my  brethren  and  myfelf  from  the  birthright 
D  2 


28  LETTER     III. 

wherewith  heaven  itself  "  hath  made  us 
free.'" 

Sorry  I  am  to  learn,  that  there  are  fome 
few  perfons,  make  their  heads  with  folemn 
motion,  and  pretend  to  wonder  what  can 
be  the  meaning  of  thefe  letters.  "  Great- 
Britain,  they  fay,  is  too  powerful  to  con 
tend  with  ;  me  is  determined  to  opprefs  us  ; 
it  is  in  vain  to  fpeak  of  right  on  one  fide, 
when  there  is  power  on  the  other ;  when  we 
are  ftrong  enough  to  reiift,  we  mall  attempt 
it;  but  now  we  are  not  ftrong  enough,  and 
therefore  we  had  better  be  quiet;  it  ligni 
tes  nothing  to  convince  us  that  our  rights 
are  invaded,  when  we  cannot  defend  them, 
and  if  we  mould  get  into  riots  and  tumults 
about  the  late  act,  it  will  only  draw  down 
heavier  difpleafure  upon  us." 

What  can  fuch  men  defign?  What  do 
their  grave  obfervations  amount  to,  but  this 
— "  that  thefe  colonies,  totally  regardlefs 
of  their  liberties,  mould  commit  them, 
with  humble  refignation,  to  chance,  time, 
and  the  tender  mercies  of  minifters" 

Are  thefe  men  ignorant,  that  ufurpations, 
which  might  have  been  fuccefsfully  oppofed 
at  firft,  acquire  ftrength  by  continuance, 
and  thus  become  irrefiftible  ?  Do  they  con 
demn  the  conduct  of  thefe  colonies,  concern 
ing  the  Stamp-aft  ?  Or  have  they  forgot  its 
fuccefsful  iffue  ?  Ought  the  colonies  at  that 

(a)      Gal.  v.  I. 


LETTER     III.  29 

time,  inftead  of  acting  as  they  did,  to  have 
trufted  for  relief,  to  the  fortuitous  events  of 
futurity  ?  If  it  is  needlefs  "  to  fpeak  of 
rights"  now,  it  was  as  needlefs  then.  If  the 
behaviour  of  the  colonies  was  prudent  and 
glorious  then,  and  fuccefsful  too ;  it  will  be 
equally  prudent  and  glorious  to  ad:  in  the 
fame  manner  now,  if  our  rights  are  equal 
ly  invaded,  and  may  be  as  fuccefsful. 
Therefore  it  becomes  necelTary  to  enquire, 
whether  "  our  rights  are  invaded."  To 
talk  of  "  defending  "  them,  as  if  they  could 
be  no  otherwife  "defended"  than  by  arms, 
is  as  much  out  of  the  way,  as  if  a  man 
having  a  choice  of  feveral  roads  to  reach  his 
journey's  end,  mould  prefer  the  worft,  for 
no  other  reafon,  than  becaufe  it  is  the  worft. 

As  to  "riots  and  tumults,"  the  gentle 
men  who  are  fo  apprehenfive  of  them,  are 
much  miftaken,  if  they  think,  that  grievan 
ces  cannot  be  redrelTed  without  fuch  affift- 
ance. 

I  will  now  tell  the  gentlemen,  what  is 
"  the  meaning  of  thefe  letters."  The  mean 
ing  of  them  is,  to  convince  the  people  of 
thefe  colonies,  that  they  are  at  this  moment 
expofed  to  the  moft  imminent  dangers ;  and 
to  perfuade  them  immediately,  vigouroufly, 
and  unanimoufly,  to  exert  themfelves,  in 
the  moft  firm,  but  moft  peaceable  manner 
for  obtaining  relief. 

The  caufe  of  liberty  is  a  caufe  of  too 
much  dignity,  to  be  fullied  by  turbulence 


3o  LETTER     III. 

and  tumult.  It  ought  to  be  maintained  in  a 
manner  fuitable  to  her  nature.  Thofe  who 
engage  in  it,  mould  breathe  a  fedate,  yet 
fervent  fpirit,  animating  them  to  actions 
of  prudence,  juftice,  modefty,  bravery,  hu 
manity,  and  magnanimity. 

To  fuch  a  wonderful  degree  were  the  an- 
tient  Spartans,  as  brave  and  as  free  a  people 
as  ever  exifted,  infpired  by  this  happy  tem 
perature  of  foul,  that  rejecting  even  in  their 
battles  the  ufe  of  trumpets,  and  other  inftru- 
ments  for  exciting  heat  and  rage,  they  march 
ed  up  to  fcenes  of  havock  and  horror,  with 
the  found  of  flutes,  to  the  tunes  of  which 
their  fteps  kept  pace —  "  exhibiting,  as  Plu- 
"  tarch  fays,  at  once  a  terrible  and  delightful 
"  fight,  and  proceeding  with  a  deliberate 
"  valour,  full  of  hope  and  good  afTurance, 
"  as  if  fome  divinity  had  infenfibly  aflifted 
"  them." 

I  hope,  my  dear  countrymen,  that  you 
will  in  every  colony  be  upon  your  guard  a- 
gainft  thofe  who  may  at  any  time  endeavour 
to  ftir  you  up,  under  pretences  of  patriotifm, 
to  any  meafures  difrefpeclful  to  our  fovereign 
and  our  mother  country.  Hot,  ram,  difor- 
derly  proceedings,  injure  the  reputation  of  a 
people  as  to  wifdom,  valour  and  virtue, 
without  procuring  them  the  leaft  benefit.  I 
pray  God,  that  he  may  be  pleafed  to  infpire 
you  and  your  pofterity  to  the  lateft  ages 
with  that  fpirit,  of  which  I  have  an  idea,  but 
find  a  difficulty  to  exprefs :  to  exprefs  in 


LETTER     III.  31 

the  beft  manner  I  can,  I  mean  a  fpirit  that 
mall  fo  guide  you,  that  it  will  be  impoffible 
to  determine,  whether  an  Americans  cha 
racter  is  moft  diftinguimable  for  his  loyalty 
to  his  fovereign,  his  duty  to  his  mother  coun 
try,  his  love  of  freedom,  or  his  affection  for 
his  native  foil. 

/^6very  government,  at  fome  time  or  other, 
falls  into  wrong  meafures;  thefe  may  pro 
ceed  from  miftake  or  paffion. —  —But  every 
fuch  meafure  does  not  difTolve  the  obligati 
on  between  the  governors  and  the  governed ; 
the  miftake  may  be  corrected  ;  the  paffion 
may  pafs  over. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  governed,  to  endea 
vour  to  rectify  the  miftake,  and  appeafe  the 
paffion.  They  have  not  at  firft  any  other 
right,  than  to  reprefent  their  grievances,  and 
to  pray  for  redrefs,  unlefs  an  emergency  is 
fo  preffing,  as  not  to  allow  time  for  receiv 
ing  an  anfwer  to  their  applications  which 
rarely  happens.  If  their  applications  are  dif- 
regarded,  then  that  kind  of  oppofition  be 
comes  juftifiable,  which  can  be  made  with 
out  breaking  the  laws,  or  difturbing  the  pub 
lic  peace.  This  confifts  in  the  prevention  of 
the  oppreffors  reaping  advantage  from  their 
oppreffions,  and  not  in  their  punimment.  For 
experience  may  teach  them  what  reafon  did 
not ;  and  harm  methods,  cannot  be  proper, 
till  milder  ones  have  failed. 

If  at  length  it  becomes  undoubted,  that 
an  inveterate  refolution  is  formed  to  annihi- 


32  LETTER     III. 

late  the  liberties  of  the  governed,  the  Englifh 
hiftory  affords  frequent  examples  of  refinance 
by  force.  What  particular  circumftances  will 
in  any  future  cafe  juftify  fuch  refinance,  can 
never  be  afcertained  till  they  happen.  Per 
haps  it  may  be  allowable  to  fay,  generally, 
that  it  never  can  be  juftifiable,  until  the  peo 
ple  are  FULLY  CONVINCED,  that  any  fur 
ther  fubmiffion  will  be  destructive  to  their 
happinefs. 

When  the  appeal  is  made  to  the  fword, 
highly  probable  it  is,  that  the  punimment 
will  exceed  the  offence  ;  and  the  calamities 
attending  on  war  out  weigh  thofe  preceding 
it.  Thefe  confiderations  of  jufHce  and  pru 
dence,  will  always  have  great  influence  with 
good  and  wife  men. 

To  thefe  reflections  on  this  fubjecl,  it  re 
mains  to  be  added,  and  ought  for  ever  to  be 
remembred  ;  that  refiftance  in  the  cafe  of 
colonies  againft  their  mother  country,  is  ex 
tremely  different  from  the  refinance  of  a 
people  againft  their  prince.  A  nation  may 
change  their  King  or  race  of  Kings,  and  re 
tain  their  antient  form  of  government,  be 
gainers  by  changing.  Thus  Great-Britain, 
under  the  illuftrious  houfe  of  Brunfwick,  a 
houfe  that  feems  to  flourifh  for  the  happinefs 
of  mankind,  has  found  a  felicity,  unknown 
in  the  reigns  of  the  Stuarts.  But  if  once  we 
are  feparated  from  our  mother  country,  what 
new  form  of  government  mail  we  accept,  or 
when  mall  we  find  another  Britain  to  fupply 


LETTER     III.  33 

our  lofs  ?  Torn  from  the  body  to  which  we 
are  united  by  religion,  liberty,  laws,  affecti- 
ons,  relations,  language,  and  commerce,  we 
muft  bleed  at  every  vein. 

In  truth,  the  profperity  of  thefe  provinces 
is  founded  in  their  dependance  on  Great- 
Britain  ;  and  when  fhe  returns  to  "  her  old 
"  good  humour,  and  old  good  nature,"  as 
Lord  Clerendon  expreiTes  it,  I  hope  they 
will  always  efteem  it  their  duty  and  intereft, 
as  it  mofc  certainly  will  be,  to  promote  her 
welfare  by  all  the  means  in  their  power. 

We  cannot  ac~t  with  too  much  caution 
in  our  difputes.  Anger  produces  anger; 
and  differences  that  might  be  accommodated 
by  kind  and  refpeclful  behaviour,  may  by 
imprudence  be  changed  to  an  incurable  rage. 

In  quarrels  between  countries,  as  well  as 
in  thofe  between  individuals,  when  they  have 
rifen  to  a  certain  heighth,  the  firft  cause  of 
dilfention  is  no  longer  remembred,  the  minds 
of  the  parties  being  wholly  engaged  in  re 
collecting  and  refenting  the  mutual  expref- 
iions  of  their  diflike.  When  feuds  have 
reached  that  fatal  point,  all  confiderations 
of  reafon  and  equity  vanifh  ;  and  a  blind 
fury  governs,  or  rather  confounds  all  things. 
A  people  no  longer  regards  their  intereft, 
but  the  gratification  of  their  wrath.  The 
fway  of  the  Cleon's, b  and  Clodius's,  the  de- 

E 

(£)  Cleon  was  a  popular  firebrand  of  Athens  and 
Clodius  of  Rome ;  each  of  them  plunged  his  country 
into  the  deepeft  calamities. 


34  LETTER     III. 

figning  and  deteftable  flatters  of  the  prevail 
ing  pamon,  becomes  confirmed. 

Wife  and  good  men  in  vain  oppofe  the 
ftorm,  and  may  think  themfelves  fortunate, 
if,  endeavouring  to  preferve  their  ungrateful 
fellow  citizens,  they  do  not  ruin  themfelves. 
Their  prudence  will  be  called  bafenefs  ;  their 
moderation,  guilt ;  and  if  their  virtue  does 
not  lead  them  to  deftruclion,  as  that  of 
many  other  great  and  excellent  perfons  has 
done,  they  may  furvive,  to  receive  from  their 
expiring  country,  the  mournful  glory  of  her 
acknowledgment,  that  their  councils,  if  re 
garded,  would  have  faved  her. 

The  conftitutional  modes  of  obtaining  re 
lief,  are  thofe  which  I  would  wim  to  fee 
purfued  on  the  prefent  occafion,  that  is,  by 
petitioning  of  our  aflemblies,  or,  where  they 
are  not  permitted  to  meet,  of  the  people 
to  the  powers  that  can  afford  us  relief. 

We  have  an  excellent  prince,  in  whofe 
good  difpolitions  towards  us  we  may  confide. 
We  have  a  generous,  fenlible,  and  humane 
nation,  to  whom  we  may  apply.  They 
may  be  deceived :  they  may,  by  artful  men, 
be  provoked  to  anger  againft  us  ;  but  I  can 
not  yet  believe  they  will  be  cruel  or  unjuft; 
or  that  their  anger  will  be  implacable.  Let 
us  behave  like  dutiful  children,  who  have 
received  unmerited  blows  from  a  beloved 
parent.  Let  us  complain  to  our  parents  ; 
but  let  our  complaints  fpeak  at  the  fame 


LETTER     III.  35 

time,  the  language  of  affliction  and  venera 
tion. 

If,  however,  it  {hall  happen  by  an  unfortu 
nate  courfe  of  affairs,  that  our  applications 
to  his  Majefty  and  the  parliament  for  the 
redrefs,  prove  ineffectual,  let  us  then  take 
another  ftep,  by  withholding  from  Great- 
Britain,  all  the  advantages  me  has  been  ufed 
to  receive  from  us.  Then  let  us  try,  if  our 
ingenuity,  induflry,  and  frugality,  will  not 
give  weight  to  our  remonftrances.  Let  us 
all  be  united  with  one  fpirit  in  one  caufe. 
Let  us  invent ;  let  us  work ;  let  us  fave  ;  let 
us  at  the  fame  time,  keep  up  our  claims,  and 
unceaimgly  repeat  our  complaints ;  but 
above  all,  let  us  implore  the  protection  of 
that  infinite  good  and  gracious  Being,  "by 
"whom  kings  reign  and  princes  decree 
"juftice." 

"  Nil  defperandum" 

Nothing  is  to  be  defpaired  of. 

A    FARMER. 


E  2 


LETTER     IV. 

Beloved  Countrymen, 

AN  objection,  I  hear,  has  been  made 
againft  what  I  offer  in  my  fecond  let 
ter,  which  I  would  willingly  clear  up  before 
I  proceed.  "  There  is,"  fay  thefe  objec 
tors  "a  material  difference  between  the 
"  Stamp-act  and  the  late  ad;  for  laying  a 
"  duty  on  paper,  &c.  that  juftifies  the  con- 
"  duel:  of  thofe  who  oppofed  the  former, 
"  and  yet  are  willing  to  fubmit  to  the  lat- 
"  ter.  The  duties  impofed  by  the  Stamp- 
"  ad:,  were  internal  taxes,  but  the  prefent 
"  are  external,  which  therefore  the  parlia- 

"  ment  may  have  a  right  to  impofe." 

To  this  I  anfwer,  with  a  total  denial  of  the 
power  of  parliament  to  lay  upon  thefe  colo 
nies  any  tax  whatever. 

This  point  being  fo  important  to  this  and 
to  all  fucceeding  generations,  I  wi(h  to  be 
clearly  underflood. 

To  the  word  "  Tax,"  I  annex  that 
meaning  which  the  conflitution  and  hiftory 
of  England  require  to  be  annexed  to  it  ; 
that  it  is,  an  impofition  on  the  fubjecl:  for 
the  fole  purpofe  of  levying  money. 

In  the  early  ages  of  our  monarchy,  the 
fervices  rendered  to  the  crown,  for  the 


38  LETTE  R     IV. 

general  good,  were  perfonal ;  a  but  in  pro- 
grefs  of  time,  fuch  institutions  being  found 
inconvenient,  certain  gifts  and  grants  of 
their  own  property  were  made  by  the  peo 
ple,  under  the  feveral  names  of  aids,  tal- 
lages,  talks,  taxes,  fubfidies,  &c.  Thefe 
were  made  as  may  be  collected  even  from 
the  names  for  public  fervice,  "  upon  need 
and  neceffity,"  b  all  thefe  fums  were  levied 
upon  the  people  by  virtue  of  their  voluntary 
gift. c  The  defign  of  them  was  to  fupport 

(#)  It  is  very  worthy  of  remark,  how  watchful  our 
wife  anceftors  were,  leaft  thefe  fervices  (hould  be  extend 
ed  beyond  the  limits  of  the  law.  No  man  was  bound  to 
go  out  of  the  realm  to  ferve,  and  therefore  even  in  the 
conquering  reign  of  Henry  V.  when  the  martial  fpirit 
of  the  nation  was  inflamed  by  fuccefs  to  a  great  degree, 
they  ftill  carefully  guarded  againft  the  eftablifhment  of 
illegal  fervices.  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Coke's  words  are 
thefe,  "  When  this  point  concerning  maintainance  of 
wars  out  of  England  came  in  queftion,  the  Commons  did 
make  their  continual  claim  of  their  antient  freedom  and 
birth-right,  as  in  the  firft  of  Henry  V.  and  yth  of  Hen 
ry  V.  &c.  the  Commons  made  proteft  that  they  were 
not  bound  to  the  maintainance  of  war  in  Scotland,  Ire 
land,  Calais,  France,  Normandy,  or  other  foreign  parts, 
and  caufed  their  protefts  to  be  entered  into  the  parlia 
ment  roll,  where  they  yet  remain ;  which,  in  effe&,  a- 
greeth  with  that,  which  upon  the  like  occafion  was  made 
in  the  parliament  of  25.  E.  I."  2d  Inft.  p.  528. 

(b)  4.  Inft.  p.  28. 

(<:)  Rege  Anglice  nikiltale,  mji  convocatis  primis  ordinibus 
et  affentiente  populo,fufcipiunt.  Phil.  Gamines. 

Thefe  gifts  entirely  depending  on  the  pleafure  of  the 
donors,  were  proportioned  to  the  abilities  of  the  feveral 
ranks  of  people,  who  gave,  and  were  regulated  by  their 
opinion  of  the  public  neceffities.  Thus  Edward  I.  had 
in  his  nth  year  a  thirteenth  from  the  laity,  a  twentieth 
from  the  clergy  ;  in  his  22d  year,  a  tenth  from  the  lai 
ty,  a  fixth  from  London,  and  other  corporate  towns, 


LETTER     IV.  39 

the  national  honour  and  intereft.  Some  of 
thofe  grants  comprehended  duties  arifing 
from  trade,  being  imports  on  merchandizes. 
Thefe  Chief  Juftice  Coke  clalTes  "  under 
"  fubfides "  d  and  "parliamentary  aids." 
They  are  alfo  called  "  cuftoms."  But 
whatever  the  name  was,  they  were  always 
confidered  as  gifts  of  the  people  to  the 
crown,  to  be  employed  for  public  ufes. 

Commerce  was  at  a  low  ebb,  and  moft 
furprifing  instances  may  be  produced,  how 
little  it  was  attended  to,  for  a  fucceffion  of 
ages.  The  terms  that  have  been  mentioned, 
and  among  the  reft  that  of  "  tax,"  had 

half  of  their  benefices  from  the  clergy  ;  in  his  23d  year, 
an  eleventh  from  the  barons  and  others,  a  tenth  from 
the  clergy,  and  a  feventh  from  the  burgefles,  &c. 

Hume's  Hiftory  of  England. 

The  fame  difference  in  the  grants  of  the  feveral  ranks, 
is  obfervable  in  other  reigns.  In  the  famous  ftatute 
de  tallagio  non  concedendo,  the  King  enumerates  the  fe 
veral  clafles,  without  whofe  confent  he  and  his  heirs 
fhould  never  fet  or  levy  any  tax.  "  Nullum  tallagium 
"  vel  auxiliurn,  per  nos,  vel  htsredes  noftros,  in  regno  noftro 
"  ponatur  feu  levetur,ftne  voluntare  et  qffenfu  archiepifcopo- 
"  rum,  epifcoporum,  comitum,  baronum,  militum,  burgenfi- 
"  um,  et  aliorum  liberorum  de  regno  noftro"  34  E.  I. 

Lord  Chief  Juftice  Coke  in  his  comment  on  thefe 
words,  fays,  u  for  the  quieting  of  the  Commons,  and  for 
a  perpetual  and  conftant  law  for  ever  after,  both  in  this 
and  other  like  cafes,  this  acl:  was  made."  "  Thefe  words 
are  plain  without  fcruple  ;  abfolute  without  any  fav- 
ing."  2  Coke's  Inft.  p.  522,  523. 

Little  did  the  venerable  judge  imagine,  that  "  other 
u  like  cafes"  would  happen,  in  which  the  fpirit  of  this 
law  would  be  defpifed  by  Englifhmen,  the  pofterity  of 
thofe  who  made  it. 

(J)  4.  Inft.  p.  28. 


4o  LETTER     IV. 

obtained  a  national,  parliamentary  meaning, 
drawn  from  the  principles  of  the  conftitu- 
tion,  long  before  any  Englishmen  thought 
of  regulations  of  trade  "  by  impofmg 
duties." 

Whenever  we  fpeak  of  taxes  among 
Englifhmen,  let  us  therefore  fpeak  of  them 
with  reference  to  the  intentions  with  which, 
and  the  principles  on  which  they  have  been 
eftablifhed.  This  will  give  certainty  to  our 
expreffion,  and  fafety  to  our  conduct :  but 
if  when  we  have  in  view  the  liberty  of 
thefe  colonies,  and  the  influence  of  "  taxes  " 
laid  without  our  confent,  we  proceed  in  any 
other  courfe,  we  purfue  a  Juno e  indeed, 
but  (hall  only  catch  a  cloud. 

In  the  national  parliamentary  fenfe  in 
filled  on,  the  word  "  tax  " f  was  certainly 
underftood  by  the  congrefs  at  New-York, 
whofe  refolves  may  be  faid  to  form  the  Ame 
rican  "  bill  of  rights."  I  am  fatisfied  that 
the  congrefs  was  of  opinion,  that  no  impo- 
fitions  could  be  legally  laid  on  the  people  of 
thefe  colonies  for  the  purpofe  of  levying 
money,  but  by  themfelves  or  their  reprefen- 
tatives. 

The  third,  fourth,  fifth,  and  fixth  refolves 
are  thus  exprefled. 

(<?)  The  goddefs  of  empire,  in  the  heathen  mytholo 
gy.  According  to  an  ancient  fable,  Ixion  purfued  her, 
but  flie  efcaped  by  a  cloud  which  ftie  threw  in  his  way. 

(f)  In  this  fenfe  Montefquieu  ufes  the  word  "  tax", 
in  his  1 3th  book  of  Spirit  of  Laws. 


LETTER     IV.  41 

III.  "  That  it  is  infeparably  efTential  to 
the  freedom  of  a  people  and  the  undoubted 
right  of  Englishmen,  that  no  tax  be  impofed 
on  them,  but  with  their  own  confent,  given 
perfonally  or  by  their  reprefentatives." 

IV.  "  That    the    people  of  the  colonies 
are  not,  and  from  their  local  circumftances 
cannot  be  reprefented  in  the  Houfe  of  Com 
mons,  in  Great-Britain." 

V.  "  That  the  only  reprefentatives  of  the 
people  of  the  colonies,  are  the  perfons  cho- 
fen    therein    by   themfelves ;    and    that   no 
taxes  ever  have  been,  or  can  be  conftitution- 
ally  impofed  on  them,  but  by  their  refpeclive 
legiflatures." 

VI.  "  That    all    fupplies    to    the    crown 
being  free  gifts  of  the  people,  it  is   unrea- 
fonable  and  inconfiftent  with  the  principles 
and  fpirit  of  the  Britim  constitution,  for  the 
people  of  Great-Britain  to  grant  to  his  Ma- 
jefty  the  property  of  the  colonies." 

Here  is  no  diftinftion  made,  between  in 
ternal  and  external  taxes.  It  is  evident 
from  the  mort  reafoning  thrown  into  thefe 
refolves  that  every  impofition  "  to  grant  to 
"  his  Majefty  the  property  of  the  colonies," 
was  thought  a  "tax;"  and  that  every 
fuch  impofition  if  laid  any  other  way  "  but 
with  their  confent,  given  perfonally,  or  by 
their  reprefentatives;"  was  not  only  "  un- 
"  reafonable,  and  inconfiftent  with  the  prin- 
"  ciples  and  fpirit  of  the  Britifh  conftitu- 

F 


42  LETTER     IV. 

"  tion,"  but  deftruftive  "  to  the  freedom 
"  of  a  people." 

This  language  is  clear  and  important.  A 
"  tax  "  means  an  impofition  to  raife  money. 
Such  perfons  therefore  as  fpeak  of  internal 
and  external  "  taxes,"  I  pray  may  pardon 
me,  if  I  objedt  to  that  expreffion  as  applied  to 
the  privileges  and  interefts  of  thefe  colonies. 
There  may  be  external  and  internal  impofiti- 
ons,  founded  on  different  principles,  and  hav 
ing  different  tendencies  ;  every  "  tax  "  be 
ing  an  impolition,  tho'  every  impofition  is 
not  a  "tax."  But  all  "taxes"  are  found 
ed  on  the  fame  principle,  and  have  the  fame 
tendency. 

"  External  impofitions  for  the  regulation 
of  our  trade,  do  not  grant  to  his  Majefty 
the  property  of  the  colonies."  They  only 
prevent  the  colonies  acquiring  property  in 
things  not  neceffary,  and  in  a  manner  judged 
to  be  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
empire.  But  the  laft  ftatute  refpecling  us, 
"  grants  to  his  Majefty  the  property  of  thefe 
"  colonies,"  by  laying  duties  on  manufac 
tures  of  Great-Britain,  which  they  muft 
take,  and  which  he  fettled  them,  in  order 
that  they  mould  take. 

What8  "tax"  can  be  more  "internal" 
than  this  ?  Here  is  money  drawn  without 

(g)  It  feems  to  be  evident,  that  Mr.  Pitt,  in  his  defence 
of  America,  during  the  debate  concerning  the  repeal  of 
the  Stamp-a£t,  by  "  internal  taxes"  meant  any  duties 
"for  the  purpofe  ofraifmg  a  revenue ;  "  and  by  "  external 


LETTER     IV.  43 

their  confent  from  a  fociety,  who  have  con- 
ftantly  enjoyed  a  conftitutional  mode  of  raif- 
ing  all  money  among  themfelves.  The 
payment  of  this  tax  they  have  no  pomble 
method  of  avoiding,  as  they  cannot  do  with 
out  the  commodities  on  which  it  is  laid,  and 

"  taxes"  meant  u  duties  impofed for  the  regulation  of  trade" 
His  expreflions  are  thefe. — "  If  the  gentleman  does  not 
underftand  the  difference  between  internal  and  external 
taxes,  I  cannot  help  it ;  but  there  is  a  plain  diftindtion 
between  taxes  levied  for  the  purpofes  of  raifing  a  reve 
nue,  and  duties  impofed  for  the  regulation  of  trade,  for 
the  accommodation  of  the  fubjecl: ;  altho'  in  the  confe- 
quences,  fome  revenue  might  incidentally  arife  from 
the  latter." 

Thefe  words  were  in  Mr.  Pitt's  reply  to  Mr.  Grenville, 
who  faid  he  could  not  underftand  the  difference  between 
external  and  internal  taxes.  But  Mr.  Pitt  in  his  firft 
fpeech,  had  made  no  fuch  diftinction  ;  and  his  meaning, 
when  he  mentions  the  diftinction,  appears  to  be — that 
by  " external  taxes"  he  intended  impofitions,  for  the 
purpofe  of  regulating  the  intercourfe  of  the  colonies 
with  others  ;  and  by  " internal  taxes"  he  intended  im 
pofitions,  for  the  purpofe  of  taking  money  from  them. 

In  every  other  part  of  his  fpeeches  on  that  occafion, 
his  words  confirm  this  conftruclion  of  his  expreflions. 
The  following  extracts  will  fhew  how  pofitive  and  gene 
ral  were  his  aflertions  of  our  right. 

"  IT  IS  MY  OPINION  THAT  THIS  KINGDOM  HAS  NO 
RIGHT  TO  LAY  A  TAX  UPON  THE  COLONIES."  "THE 
AMERICANS  ARE  THE  SONS  NOT  THE  BASTARDS  OF 
ENGLAND.  TAXATION  is  NO  PART  OF  THE  GOVERN 
ING  OR  LEGISLATIVE  POWER."  "The  taxes  are  a  vo 
luntary  gift  and  grant  of  the  Commons  alone.  In  le- 
giflation  the  three  eftates  of  the  realm  are  alike  concern 
ed,  but  the  concurrence  of  the  peers  and  the  crown  to  a 
tax,  is  only  neceflary  to  clofe  with  the  form  of  a  law. 
The  gift  and  grant  is  of  the  Commons  alone."  "  The 
diftin&ion  between  legiflation  and  taxation  is  eflentially 
neceflary  to  liberty."  "  The  Commons  of  America  repre- 
fented  in  their  fever  al  ajjemblies  have  ever  been  in  poffeffion  of 
the  exercife  of  this^  their  conjtitutional  right,  of  giving  and 


44  LETTER     IV. 

they  cannot  manufacture  thefe  commodities 
themfelves  ;  befides,  if  this  unhappy  country 
mould  be  fo  lucky  as  to  elude  this  ad:,  by 
getting  parchment  enough  to  ufe  in  the 
place  of  paper,  or  reviving  the  antient 
method  of  writing  on  wax  and  bark,  and 
by  inventing  fomething  to  ferve  inftead  of 
glafs,  her  ingenuity  would  ftand  her  in  little 
ftead  ;  for  then  the  parliament  would  have 
nothing  to  do,  but  to  prohibit  manufac 
tures,  or  to  lay  a  tax  on  hats  and  woollen 
cloths,  which  they  have  already  prohibited 
the  colonies  from  fupplying  each  other  with ; 
or  on  inftruments  and  tools  of  fteel  and  iron, 
which  they  have  prohibited  the  provincials 

granting  their  own  money.  They  would  have  been  JIaves,  if 
they  had  not  enjoyed  it"  "  The  idea  of  a  virtual  repre- 
fentation  of  America  in  this  houfe,  is  the  moft  contemp 
tible  idea  that  ever  entered  into  the  head  of  man.  It 
does  not  deferve  a  ferious  refutation." 

He  afterwards  (hews  the  unreafonablenefs  of  Great- 
Britain  taxing  America,  thus — "  When  I  had  the  ho 
nour  of  ferving  his  Majefty,  I  availed  myfelf  of  the 
means  of  information,  which  I  derived  from  my  office  : 
I  fpeak  therefore  from  knowledge.  My  materials  were 
good,  I  was  at  pains  to  collect,  to  digeft,  to  confider 
them  :  and  I  will  be  bold  to  affirm  that  the  profit  to  Great- 
Britain  from  the  trade  of  the  colonies,  thro'  all  its  branches, 
is  tw)  millions  a  year.  This  is  the  fund  that  carried  you  tri 
umphantly  thro1  the  laji  war.  The  eftates  that  were  rent 
ed  at  two  thoufand  pounds  a  year,  threefcore  years  ago, 
are  at  three  thoufand  pounds  at  prefent.  Thofe  eftates  fold 
then  from  fifteen  to  eighteen  years  purchafe  ;  the  fame 
may  now  be  fold  for  thirty.  YOU  OWE  THIS  TO  A- 
MERICA.  THIS  IS  THE  PRICE  THAT  AMERICA 
PAYS  YOU  FOR  HER  PROTECTION,"—"  I  dare 
not  fay  how  much  higher  thefe  profits  may  be  augment 
ed." — "  Upon  the  whole,  I  will  beg  leave  to  tell  the 


LETTER     IV.  45 

from  manufacturing  at  all h  And  then 
what  little  gold  and  filver  they  have,  muft 
be  torn  from  their  hands,  or  they  will  not 
be  able  in  a  fhort  time,  to  get  an  ax  '  for 
cutting  their  firewood,  nor  a  plough  for 
raifing  their  food. — In  what  refpecl:  there 
fore,  I  beg  leave  to  afk,  is  the  late  act  pre 
ferable  to  the  Stamp-aft,  or  more  confident 
with  the  liberties  of  the  colonies  ?  "  I  re- 
"  gard  them  both  with  equal  apprehenfion, 
"  and  think  they  ought  to  be  in  the  fame 
"  manner  opposed." 

"  Hah  emus  quidem  fenatus  confultum — 
tanquam  gladium  in  vagina  repofitum  " 

We  have  a  flatute  like  a  fword  in  the 
fcabbard. 

A     FARMER. 

houfe  what    is    really    my    opinion :    it    is,  THAT   THE 

STAMP-ACT     BE      REPEALED     ABSOLUTELY,     TOTALLY, 

AND  IMMEDIATELY.  That  the  reafon  for  the  repeal  be 
afligned,  becaufe  it  was  founded  on  an  erroneous  prin 
ciple." 

(7>)  "  And  that  pig  and  bar  iron  made  in  his  Maje- 
fty's  colonies  in  America  may  be  further  manufactured 
in  this  kingdom,  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority 
aforefaid,  that  from  and  after  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
June,  1750,  no  mill  or  other  engine  for  flitting  or  roll 
ing  of  iron,  or  any  plaiting  forge  to  work  with  a  tilt 
hammer,  or  any  furnace  for  making  fteel,  (hall  be  e- 
re£ted,  or  after  fuch  erection  continued,  in  any  of  his 
Majefty's  colonies  in  America." 

3  Geo.  II.  chap.  29.  feel:.  9. 

(/)  Though  thefe  particulars  are  mentioned  as  being 
fo  absolutely  neceflary,  yet  perhaps  they  are  not  more  fo 
than  glafs,  in  our  fevere  winters,  to  keep  out  the  cold, 
from  our  houfes  ;  or  than  paper,  without  which  fuch 
inexpreflible  confufion  muft  enfue. 


LETTER     V  . 

Beloved  Countrymen, 

PE  R  H  A  P  S  the  objeftionto  the  late  aft, 
impofing  duties  upon  paper,  &c.  might 
have  been  fafely  refted  on  the  arguments 
drawn  from  the  univerfal  conduct  of  parlia 
ments  and  minifters,  from  the  firft  exiftence 
of  thefe  colonies,  to  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Grenville. 

What  but  the  indifputable,  the  acknow 
ledged  exclufive  right  of  the  colonies  to  tax 
themfelves,  could  be  the  reafon,  that  in  this 
long  period  of  more  than  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years, 'no  ftatute  was  ever  pafled  for  the 
fole  purpofe  of  raiting  a  revenue  on  the  co 
lonies  ?  And  how  clear,  how  cogent  muft 
that  reafon  be,  to  which  every  parliament 
and  every  minifter,  for  fo  long  a  time  fub- 
mitted,  without  a  fingle  attempt  to  innovate  ? 

England  in  part  of  that  courfe  of  years, 
and  Great  Britain,  in  other  parts,  was  en 
gaged  in  fierce  and  expenfive  wars  ;  troubled 
with  fome  tumultuous  and  bold  parliaments  ; 
governed  by  many  daring  and  wicked  mini- 
fters  ;  yet  none  of  them  ever  ventured  to 
touch  the  PALLADIUM  OF  AMERICAN 
LIBERTY.  Ambition,  avarice,  faction,  ty 
ranny,  all  revered  it.  Whenever  it  was  ne- 


48  LETTER     V. 

cefTary  to  raife  money  on  the  colonies,  the 
requifitions  of  the  crown  were  made,  and 
dutifully  complied  with.  The  parliament 
from  time  to  time  regulated  their  trade,  and 
that  of  the  reft  of  the  empire,  to  preferve 
their  dependencies,  and  the  connection  of 
the  whole  in  good  order. 

The  people  of  Great-Britain  in  fupport  of 
their  privileges,  boaft  much  of  their  antiqui 
ty.  Yet  it  may  well  be  queftioned,  if  there 
is  a  fingle  privilege  of  a  Britim  fubjecl,  fup- 
ported  by  longer,  more  folemn,  or  more  un 
interrupted  teftimony,  than  theexclulive  right 
of  taxation  in  thefe  colonies.  The  people  of 
Great-Britain  conlider  that  kingdom  as  the 
fovereign  of  thefe  colonies,  and  would  now 
annex  to  that  fovereignty  a  prerogative  ne 
ver  heard  of  before.  How  would  they  bear 
this,  was  the  cafe  their  own  ?  What  would 
they  think  of  a  new  prerogative  claimed  by 
the  crown  ?  We  may  guefs  what  their  con 
duct  would  be  from  the  tranfports  of  paffi- 
on  into  which  they  fell  about  the  late  em 
bargo,  laid  to  remove  the  moft  emergent  ne- 
ceffities  of  ftate,  admitting  of  no  delay  ;  and 
for  which  there  were  numerous  precedents. 
Let  our  liberties  be  treated  with  the  fame 
tendernefs,  and  it  is  all  we  defire. 

Explicit  as  the  conduct  of  parliaments,  for 
fo  many  ages,  is,  to  prove  that  no  money 
can  be  levied  on  thefe  colonies,  by  parlia 
ment  for  the  purpofe  of  raifmg  a  revenue ; 
yet  it  is  not  the  only  evidence  in  our  favour. 


LETTER     V.  49 

Every  one  of  the  moft  material  arguments 
againft  the  legality  of  the  Stamp-aft  operates 
with  equal  force  againft  the  aft  now  objeft- 
ed  to  ;  but  as  they  are  well  known,  it  feems 
unnecefTary  to  repeat  them  here. 

This  general  one  only  mall  be  confidered 
at  prefent.  That  tho'  thefe  colonies  are  de 
pendant  on  Great-Britain  ;  and  tho'  me  has 
a  legal  power  to  make  laws  for  preferring 
that  dependance  ;  yet  it  is  not  neceffary  for 
this  purpofe,  nor  elfential  to  the  relation  be 
tween  a  mother-country  and  her  colonies, 
as  was  eagerly  contended  by  the  advocates 
for  the  Stamp-aft,  that  me  mould  raife  mo 
ney  upon  them  without  their  confent. 

Colonies  were  formerly  planted  by  war 
like  nations,  to  keep  their  enemies  in  awe  ; 
to  relieve  their  country  overburthened  with 
inhabitants ;  or  to  difcharge  a  number  of 
difcontented  and  troublefome  citizens.  But 
in  more  modern  ages,  the  fpirit  of  violence 
being  in  fome  meafure,  if  the  expreffion  may 
be  allowed,  meathed  in  commerce,  colonies 
have  been  fettled  by  the  nations  of  Europe 
for  the  purpofes  of  trade.  Thefe  purpofes 
were  to  be  attained  by  the  colonies  raifmg 
for  their  mother  country  thofe  things  which 
flie  did  not  produce  herfelf ;  and  by  fupply- 
ing  themfelves  from  her  with  things  they 
wanted.  Thefe  were  the  national  objefts 
in  the  commencement  of  our  colonies,  and 
have  been  uniformly  fo  in  their  promotion. 

G 


5o  LETTER     V. 

To  anfwer  thefe  grand  purpofes,  perfect 
liberty  was  known  to  be  neceffary;  all  hif- 
tory  proving,  that  trade  and  freedom  are 
nearly  related  to  each  other.  By  a  due  re 
gard  to  this  wife  and  juft  plan,  the  infant  co 
lonies  expofed  in  the  unknown  climates,  and 
unexplored  wilderneffes  of  this  new  world, 
lived,  grew,  and  flourifhed. 

The  parent  country  with  undeviating  pru 
dence  and  virtue,  attentive  to  the  firft  prin 
ciples  of  colonization,  drew  to  herfelf  the 
benefits  me  might  reafonably  expect,  and 
preferved  to  her  children  the  bleffings,  on 
which  thofe  benefits  were  founded.  She 
made  laws  obliging  her  colonies  to  carry  to 
her  all  those  products  which  me  wanted  for 
her  own  ufe  ;  and  all  thofe  raw  materials 
which  (he  chofe  herfelf  to  work  up.  Beiides 
this  reftriction,  me  forbade  them  to  procure 
manufactures  from  any  other  part  of  the 
globe;  or  even  the  products  of  European 
countries,  which  alone  could  rival  her, 
without  being  firft  brought  to  her.  In  fhort, 
by  a  variety  of  laws,  me  regulated  their 
trade  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  (he  thought  moil 
conducive  to  their  mutual  advantage,  and 
her  own  welfare.  A  power  was  referved  to 
the  crown  of  repealing  any  laws  that  mould 
be  enacted.  The  executive  authority  of 
government  was  all  lodged  in  the  crown 
and  its  reprefentatives  ;  and  an  appeal  was 
fecured  to  the  crown  from  all  judgments  in 
the  adminiftration  of  juftice. 


LETTER     V.  51 

For  all  thefe  powers  eftablifhed  by  the 
mother  country  over  the  colonies  ;  for  all 
thefe  immenfe  emoluments  derived  by  her 
from  them  ;  for  all  their  difficulties  and  dif- 
trelTes  in  fixing  themfelves,  what  was  the  re- 
compenfe  made  them  ?  A  communication  of 
her  rights  in  general,  and  particularly  of 
that  great  one,  the  foundation  of  all  the 
reft — that  their  property,  acquired  with  fo 
much  pain  and  hazard,  mould  not  be  difpofed 
of  by  a  any  one  but  themfelves — or  to  ufe 
the  beautiful  and  emphatic  language  of  the 
facred  fcriptures,  "  that  they  mould  lit 
every  man  under  his  vine,  and  under  his  fig 
tree,  and  none  mould  make  them  afraid."6 

Can  any  man  of  candour  and  knowledge 
deny,  that  thefe  inftitutions,  form  an  af 
finity  between  Great-Britain  and  her  colonies, 
that  fufficiently  fecures  their  dependance 
upon  her  ?  or  that  for  her  to  levy  taxes 
upon  them,  is  to  reverfe  the  nature  of  things  ? 
or  that  me  can  purfue  fuch  a  meafure,  with 
out  reducing  them  to  a  ftate  of  vafTalage  ? 

If  any  perfon  cannot  conceive  the  fupre- 
macy  of  Great  Britain  to  exift,  without  the 
power  of  laying  taxes  to  levy  money  upon 
us,  the  hiftory  of  the  colonies  and  of  Great- 
Britain  fince  their  fettlement  will  prove  the 
contrary.  He  will  there  find  the  amazing 

(a)  The  power  of  taxing  themfelves,  was  the  privi 
leges  of  which  the  Englifh  were,  with  reafon,  particu 
larly  jealous.  Hume's  hift.  of  England. 

(£)  Mic.  iv.  4. 


52  LETTER     V. 

advantages  arifmg  to  her  from  them — The 
conftant  exercife  of  her  fupremacy — and 
their  filial  fubmimon  to  it,  without  a  fingle 
rebellion,  or  even  the  thought  of  one,  from 
the  firft  emigration  to  this  moment — and 
all  thefe  things  have  happened,  without  an 
inftance  of  Great-Britain  laying  taxes  to 
levy  money  upon  them. 

How  many  Britifh  authors  c  have  remon- 

(r)  It  has  been  faid  in  the  houfe  of  commons,  when 
complaints  have  been  made  of  the  decay  of  trade  to 
any  part  of  Europe,  "  That  fuch  things  were  not  worth 
regard,  as  Great-Britain  was  pofieft  of  colonies  that 
could  confume  more  of  her  manufactures  than  fhe  was 
able  to  fupply  them  with." 

"  As  the  cafe  now  ftands,  we  {hall  fhew  that  the  plan 
tations  are  a  fpring  of  wealth  to  this  nation,  that  they 
work  for  us,  that  their  treafure  centers  all  here,  and 
that  the  laws  have  tied  them  faft  enough  to  us  ;  fo  that 
it  muft  be  through  our  own  fault  and  mifmanagement, 
if  they  become  independent  of  England." 

Davenant  on  the  plantat.  trade. 

"  It  is  better  that  the  iflands  fhould  be  fupplied  from 
the  Northern  Colonies  than  from  England,  for  this  rea- 
fon  ;  the  provifions  we  might  fend  to  Barbados,  Jamaica, 
&c.  would  be  unimproved  product  of  the  earth,  as  grain 
of  all  kinds,  or  fuch  product  where  there  is  little  got  by 
the  improvement,  as  malt,  fait,  beef  and  pork  ;  indeed 
the  exportation  of  fait  fi{h  thither  would  be  more  ad 
vantageous,  but  the  goods  which  we  send  to  the  northern 
colonies  are  fuch,  whofe  improvement  may  be  juftly 
faid,  one  with  another  to  be  near  four  fifths  of  the 
value  of  the  whole  commodity,  as  apparel,  houfehold 
furniture,  and  many  other  things."  Idem. 

"  New-England  is  the  moft  prejudicial  plantation  to 
the  kingdom  of  England ;  and  yet,  to  do  right  to  that 
moft  induftrious  Englifti  colony,  I  muft  confefs,  that 
though  we  lofe  by  their  unlimited  trade  with  other 
foreign  plantations,  yet  we  are  very  great  gainers  by 
their  direct  trade  to  and  from  Old  England.  Our  year- 


LETTER     V.  53 

flrated  that  the  prefent  wealth,  power  and 
glory  of  their  country  are  founded  on  thefe 
colonies  ?  As  conftantly  as  ftreams  tend  to 
the  ocean,  have  they  been  pouring  the  fruits 
of  all  their  labours  into  their  mother's  lap. 
Good  Heaven !  And  {hall  a  total  oblivion  of 

ly  exportations  of  Englifh  manufactures,  malt  and  other 
goods,  from  hence  thither,  amounting,  in  my  opinion, 
to  ten  times  the  value  of  what  is  imported  from  thence  ; 
which  calculation  I  do  not  make  at  random,  but  upon 
mature  confideration,  and  peradventure,  upon  as  much 
experience  in  this  very  trade,  as  any  other  perfon  will 
pretend  to ;  and  therefore,  whenever  reformation  of 
our  correfpondency  in  trade  with  that  people  {hall  be 
thought  on,  it  will,  in  my  poor  judgment,  require 
great  tendernefs,  and  very  ferious  circumfpedlion." 

Sir  Jofiah  Child's  difcourfe  on  trade. 

u  Our  plantations  fpend  moftly  our  Englim  manu 
factures,  and  thofe  of  all  forts  almoft  imaginable,  in 
egregious  quantities,  and  employ  near  two  thirds  of  all 
our  Englifh  {hipping  ;  fo  that  we  have  more  people  in 
England,  by  reafon  of  our  plantations  in  America." 

Idem. 

Sir  Jofiah  Child  fays,  in  another  part  of  his  work, 
"  that  not  more  than  fifty  families  are  maintained  in 
England  by  the  refining  of  fugar."  From  whence,  and 
from  what  Davenant  fays,  it  is  plain,  that  the  advan 
tages  here  faid  to  be  derived  from  the  plantations  by 
England,  muft  be  meant  chiefly  of  the  continental  colo 
nies. 

"  I  fhall  fum  up  my  whole  remarks  on  our  American 
colonies,  with  this  obfervation,  that  as  they  are  a  cer 
tain  annual  revenue  of  feveral  millions  fterling  to  their 
mother  country,  they  ought  carefully  to  be  protected, 
duly  encouraged,  and  every  opportunity  that  prefents, 
improved  for  their  increafment  and  advantage,  as  every 
one  they  can  poflibly  reap,  muft  at  leaft  return  to  us 
with  intereft.  Beawes's  Lex  mere.  red. 

"  We  may  fafely  advance,  that  our  trade  and  navi 
gation  are  greatly  increafed  by  our  colonies,  and  that 
they  really  are  a  fource  of  treafure  and  naval  power 


54  LETTER     V. 

former  tendernefles  and  bleffings  be  fpread 
over  the  minds  of  a  wife  people,  by  the  for 
did  afts  of  intriguing  men,  who  covering 
their  felfim  projects  under  pretences  of  public 
good,  nrft  enrage  their  countrymen  into  a 
frenzy  of  paffion,  and  then  advance  their 

to  this  kingdom,  fmce  they  work  for  us,  and  their  trea- 
fure  centers  here.  Before  their  fettlement,  our  manu 
factures  were  few,  and  thofe  but  indifferent ;  the  num 
ber  of  Englifh  merchants  very  fmall,  and  the  whole 
fhipping  of  the  nation  much  inferior  to  what  now  be 
longs  to  the  northern  colonies  only.  Thefe  are  certain 
fa6ts.  But  fmce  their  esftablimment,  our  condition  has 
altered  for  the  better,  almoft  to  a  degree  beyond  credi 
bility.  Our  manufactures  are  prodigioufly  encreafed, 
chiefly  by  the  demand  for  them  in  the  plantations, 
where  they  at  leaft  take  off  one  half,  and  fupply  us 
with  many  valuable  commodities  for  exportation,  which 
is  as  great  an  emolument  to  the  mother  kingdom,  as  to 
the  plantations  themfelves." 

Poftlethwait's  univerfal  di&.  of  trade  and  commerce. 

"  Moft  of  the  nations  of  Europe  have  interfered  with 
us  more  or  lefs,  in  divers  of  our  ftaple  manufactures, 
within  half  a  century,  not  only  in  our  woollen,  but  in 
our  lead  and  tin  manufactures,  as  well  as  our  fimeries." 

Idem. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  our  colonies,  by  carrying  on  a 
trade  with  their  foreign  neighbours,  do  not  only  occa- 
fion  a  greater  quantity  of  the  goods  and  merchandizes 
of  Europe  being  fent  from  hence  to  them,  and  a  greater 
quantity  of  the  product  of  America  to  be  fent  from 
them  thither,  which  would  otherways  be  carried  from, 
and  brought  to  Europe  by  foreigners,  but  an  increafe 
of  the  feamen  and  navigation  in  thofe  parts,  which  is 
of  great  ftrength  and  fecurity,  as  well  as  of  great  ad 
vantage  to  our  plantations  in  general.  And  though 
fome  of  our  colonies  are  not  only  for  preventing  the 
importations  of  all  goods  of  the  fame  fpecies  they  pro 
duce,  but  fuffer  particular  planters  to  keep  great  runs 
of  land  in  their  poffeffion  uncultivated  with  defign  to 
prevent  new  fettlements,  whereby  they  imagine  the 


LETTER     V.  55 

own  influence  and  intereft,  by  gratifying  that 
paffion,  which  they  themfelves  have  barely 
excited  ? 

Hitherto  Great-Britain  has  been  contented 
with  her  profperity.  Moderation  has  been 
the  rule  of  her  conduct.  But  now  a  gene 
rous  and  humane  people  that  fo  often  has 

prices  of  their  commodities  may  be  affected ;  yet  if  it 
be  confidered,  that  the  markets  of  Great-Britain  depend 
on  the  markets  of  all  Europe  in  general,  and  that  the 
European  markets  in  general  depend  on  the  proportion 
between  the  annual  confumption  and  the  whole  quantity 
of  each  fpecies  annually  produced  by  all  nations  ;  it 
muft  follow,  that  whether  we  or  foreigners,  are  the 
producers,  carriers,  importers  and  exporters  of  American 
produce,  yet  their  refpeclive  prices  in  each  colony  (the 
difference  of  freight,  cuftoms  and  importations  con 
fidered)  will  always  bear  proportion  to  the  general  con 
fumption  of  the  whole  quantity  of  each  fort,  produced 
in  all  colonies,  and  in  all  parts,  allowing  only  for 
the  ufual  contingencies,  that  trade  and  commerce,  ag 
riculture  and  manufactures  are  liable  to  in  all  countries." 

Idem. 

"  It  is  certain,  that  from  the  very  time  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh,  the  father  of  our  Englim  colonies,  and  his  af- 
fociates,  firft  projected  thefe  eftablifliments,  there  have 
been  perfons  who  have  found  an  intereft,  in  mifrepre- 
fenting,  or  leflening  the  value  of  them. — The  attempts 
were  called  chimerical  and  dangerous.  Afterwards  ma 
ny  malignant  fuggeftions  were  made,  about  facrifi- 
cing  fo  many  Englifhmen  to  the  obftinate  defire  of  fet 
tling  colonies  in  countries  which  then  produced  very 
little  advantage.  But  as  thefe  difficulties  were  gradually 
furmounted,  thofe  complaints  vanifhed.  No  fooner  were 
thefe  lamentations  over,  but  others  arofe  in  their  ftead ; 
when  it  could  be  no  longer  faid,  that  the  colonies  were 
ufelefs,  it  was  alledged  that  they  were  not  ufeful  enough 
to  their  mother  country ;  that  while  we  were  loaded 
with  taxes,  they  were  abfolutely  free  ;  that  the  planters 
lived  like  princes,  when  the  inhabitants  of  England  la 
boured  hard  for  a  tolerable  fubfiftence."  Idem. 


56  LETTER     V. 

protected  the  liberty  of  ftrangers,  is  inflamed 
into  an  attempt  to  tear  a  privilege  from  her 
own  children,  which,  if  executed,  muft  in 
their  opinion,  fink  them  into  (laves  :  And 
for  what?  For  a  pernicious  power,  not 
neceflary  to  her,  as  her  own  experience  may 

"  Before  the  fettlement  of  thefe  colonies,"  fays  Po- 
ftlethwayt,  "  our  manufactures  were  few,  and  thofe  but 
indifferent.  In  thofe  days  we  had  not  only  our  naval 
ftores,  but  our  fhips  from  our  neighbours.  Germany 
furnifhed  us  with  all  things  made  of  metal,  even  to 
nails.  Wine,  paper,  linens,  and  a  thouland  other  things 
came  from  France.  Portugal  fupplied  us  with  fugar  ; 
all  the  produces  of  America  were  poured  into  us  from 
Spain  ;  and  the  Venetians  and  Genoefe  retailed  to  us 
the  commodities  of  the  Eaft-Indies,  at  their  own  price." 

"  If  it  be  afked,  whether  foreigners  for  what  goods 
they  take  of  us,  do  not  pay  on  that  confumption  a  great 
portion  of  our  taxes  ?  It  is  admitted  they  do." 

Poftlethwayt's  Great-Britain's  true  fyftem. 

11  If  we  are  afraid  that  one  day  or  other  the  colonies 
will  revolt,  and  fet  up  for  themfelves,  as  fome  feem  to 
apprehend,  let  us  not  drive  them  to  a  neceflity  to  feel 
themfelves  independant  of  us  ;  as  they  will  do,  the  mo 
ment  they  perceive  that  they  can  be  fupplied  with  all 
things  from  within  themfelves,  and  do  not  need  our 
afliftance.  If  we  would  keep  them  ftill  dependant  upon 
their  mother  country,  and  in  fome  refpe&s  fubfervient 
to  their  views  and  welfare,  let  us  make  it  their  intereft 
always  to  be  fo."  Tucker  on  trade. 

"  Our  colonies,  while  they  have  Englim  blood  in 
their  veins,  and  have  relations  in  England,  and  while 
they  can  get  by  trading  with  us,  the  ftronger  and  great 
er  they  grow,  the  more  this  crown  and  kingdom  will  get 
by  them  ;  and  nothing  but  fuch  an  arbitrary  power  as 
{hall  make  them  defperate  can  bring  them  to  rebel." 
Davenant  on  the  plantation  trade. 

"  The  northern  colonies  are  not  upon  the  fame  foot 
ing  as  thofe  of  the  fouth  ;  and  having  a  worfe  foil  to 
improve,  they  muft  find  the  recompence  fome  other 
way,  which  only  can  be  in  property  and  dominion. 


LETTER     V.  57 

convince  her  ;  but  horribly  dreadful  and  de- 
teftable  to  them. 

It  feems  extremely  probable,  that  when 
cool,  difpaffionate  posterity  mail  confider 
the  affectionate  intercourfe,  the  reciprocal 
benefits,  and  the  unfufpecling  confidence, 

H 

Upon  which  (core,  any  innovations  in  the  form  of 
government  there,  (hould  be  cautioufly  examined,  for 
fear  of  entering  upon  meafures,  by  which  the  induftry 
of  the  inhabitants  may  be  quite  difcouraged.  'Tis 
always  unfortunate  for  a  people,  either  by  confent  or 
upon  compulfion,  to  depart  from  their  primitive  in- 
ftitutions,  and  thofe  fundamental,  by  which  they  were 
firft  united  together.  Idem. 

"  All  wife  ftates  will  well  confider  how  to  preferve 
the  advantages  arifing  from  colonies,  and  avoid  the 
evils.  And  I  conceive  that  there  can  be  but  two  ways 
in  nature  to  hinder  them  from  throwing  off  their  de 
pendence  ;  one  to  keep  it  out  of  their  power,  and  the 
other,  out  of  their  will.  The  firft  muft  be  by  force ; 
and  the  latter  by  usfing  them  well,  and  keeping  them 
employed  in  fuch  productions,  and  making  fuch  manu 
factures,  as  will  fupport  themfelves  and  families  com 
fortably,  and  procure  them  wealth  too,  and  at  leaft 
not  prejudice  their  mother  country. 

Force  can  never  be  ufed  effectually  to  anfwer  the  end, 
without  deftroying  the  colonies  themfelves.  Liberty 
and  encouragement  are  neceflary  to  carry  people  thither, 
and  to  keep  them  together  when  they  are  there  ;  and 
violence  will  hinder  both.  Any  body  of  troops  con- 
fiderable  enough  to  awe  them,  and  keep  them  in  fub- 
ie&ion,  under  the  direction  too  of  a  needy  governor, 
often  fent  thither  to  make  his  fortune,  and  at  fuch  a 
diftance  from  any  application  for  redrefs,  will  soon  put 
an  end  to  all  planting,  and  leave  the  country  to  the 
foldiers  alone,  and  if  it  did  not,  would  eat  up  all  the 
profit  of  the  colony.  For  this  reafon,  arbitrary  countries 
have  not  been  equally  fuccefsful  in  planting  colonies 
with  free  ones  ;  and  what  they  have  done  in  that  kind, 
has  either  been  by  force  at  a  vaft  expence,  or  by  depart- 


58  LETTER     V. 

that  have  fubfifted  between  thefe  colonies 
and  their  parent  country,  for  fuch  a  length 
of  time,  they  will  execrate  with  the  bittereft 
curfes  the  infamous  memory  of  thofe  men, 
whose  peftilential  ambition,  unneceflarily, 
wantonly,  firft  opened  the  fources  of  civil 
difcord,  between  them  ;  firft  turned  their 
love  into  jealoufy  ;  and  firft  taught  thefe 
provinces,  filled  with  grief  and  anxiety,  to 
enquire, 

"  Mens  ubi  materna  eft  ?" 
Where  is  maternal  affection. 

A     FARMER. 

ing  from  the  nature  of  their  government,  and  giving 
fuch  privileges  to  planters  as  were  denied  to  their  other 
fubje&s.  And  I  dare  fay,  that  a  few  prudent  laws,  and 
a  little  prudent  conduct,  would  foon  give  us  far  the 
greateft  (hare  of  the  riches  of  all  America,  perhaps 
drive  many  of  other  nations  out  of  it,  or  into  our  co 
lonies  for  melter. 

There  are  fo  many  exigencies  in  all  ftates,  fo  many 
foreign  wars  and  domeftic  difturbances,  that  thefe  co 
lonies  can  never  want  opportunities,  if  they  watch  for 
them,  to  do  what  they  mall  find  their  intereft  to  do  ; 
and  therefore  we  ought  to  take  all  the  precautions  in 
our  power,  that  it  (hall  never  be  their  intereft  to  act 
againft  that  of  their  native  country  ;  an  evil  which 
can  no  otherways  be  averted,  than  by  keeping  them 
fully  employed  in  fuch  trades  as  will  increafe  their  own, 
as  well  as  our  wealth  ;  for  it  is  much  to  be  feared,  if 
we  do  not  find  employment  for  them,  they  may  find  it 
for  us.  The  intereft  of  the  mother  country  is  always 
to  keep  them  dependent,  and  fo  employed  ;  and  it  re 
quires  all  her  addrefs  to  do  it  ;  and  it  is  certainly  more 
eafily  and  effectually  done  by  gentle  and  infenfible  me 
thods,  than  by  power  alone.  Cato's  letters. 


LETTER     VI. 

Beloved  Countrymen, 
s~ 
TT  may  perhaps  be  objected  againft  the  ar- 

JL  guments  that  have  been  offered  to  the 
public  concerning  the  legal  power  of  the 
parliament,  that  it  has  always  exercifed  the 
power  of  imposing  duties  for  the  purpofes 
of  railing  a  revenue  on  the  productions  of 
thefe  colonies  carried  to  Great-Britain,  which 
may  be  called  a  tax  on  them.  To  this  I 
answer  ;  that  is  no  more  a  violation  of  the 
rights  of  the  colonies,  than  their  being  or 
dered  to  carry  certain  of  their  productions  to 
Great-Britain,  which  is  no  violation  at  all ; 
it  being  implied  in  the  relation  between  them, 
that  the  colonies  mould  not  carry  fuch  com 
modities  to  other  nations,  as  mould  enable 
them  to  interfere  with  the  mother  country. 
The  duties  impofed  on  thefe  commodities 
when  brought  to  her,  are  only  a  confequence 
of  her  paternal  right  ;  and  if  the  point  is 
thoroughly  examined,  will  be  found  to  be 
laid  on  the  people  of  the  mother  country, 
and  not  at  all  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of 
the  colonies.  Whatever  thefe  duties  are, 
they  muft  proportionably  raife  the  price  of 
thegoods,  and  confequently  the  duties  muft  be 
paid  by  the  confumers.  In  this  light  they  were 


60  LETTER     VI. 

confidered  by  the  parliament  in  the  25  Char. 
II.  Chap.  7,  fee.  2,  which  fays,  that  the  pro 
ductions  of  the  plantations  were  carried  from 
one  to  another  free  from  all  cuftoms  "  while 
* '  the  fubjecls  of  this  your  kingdom  of  Eng- 
* '  land  have  paid  great  cuftoms  and  impo- 
* '  fitions  for  what  of  them  have  been  fpent 
'  '  here,  &c."  Such  duties  therefore  can  ne 
ver  be  injurious  to  the  liberties  of  the  colo 
nies. 

Befides,  if  Great-Britain  exports  thefe 
commodities  again,  the  duties  will  injure  her 
own  trade,  fo  that  me  cannot  hurt  us  with 
out  plainly  and  immediately  hurting  herfelf ; 
and  this  is  our  check  againft  her  acting  arbi 
trarily  in  this  refpedt. 

It a  may,  perhaps,  be  further  objected, 
' '  that  it  being  granted  that  ftatutes  made 

(a)  4  If  any  one  ftiould  obferve,  that  no  oppofition 
1  has  been  made  to  the  legality  of  the  4th  Geo.  III.  ch. 
4  15,  which  is  the  firft  aft  of  parliament  that  ever  im- 
1  pofed  duties  on  the  importations  in  America,  for  the 
4  exprefs  purpofe  of  raifing  a  revenue  there,  I  anfwer, 
4  firft,  that  tho'  that  a6t  exprefsly  mentions  the  raifing 
4  a  revenue  in  America,  yet  it  feems  that  it  had  as  much 
4  in  view,  "  the  improving  and  fecuring  the  trade  between 
44  the  fame  and  Great-Britain,"  '  which  words  are  part 
4  of  its  title,  and  the  preamble  fays,  "  Whereas  it  is  ex- 
"  pedient  that  new  provifions  and  regulations  (hould  be 
44  eftablifhed  for  improving  the  revenue  of  this  kingdom, 
44  and  for  extending  and  fecuring  the  navigation  and 
44  commerce  between  Great-Britain  and  your  Majefty's 
44  dominions  in  America,  which,  by  the  peace,  have  been 
44  fo  happily  extended  and  enlarged,  &c."  4  Secondly, 
4  all  the  duties  mentioned  in  that  a£t,  are  impofed  fole- 
4  ly  on  the  productions  and  manufactures  of  foreign 


LETTER     VI.  61 

* '  for  regulating  trade  are  binding  upon  us, 
' '  it  will  be  difficult  for  any  perfons  but  the 
*  *  makers  of  the  laws  to  determine,  which 
' '  of  them  are  made  for  the  regulating  of 
* '  trade,  and  which  for  railing  a  revenue ; 
* '  and  that  from  hence  may  arife  confufion." 

To  this  I  anfwer,  that  the  objection  is  of 
no  force  in  the  prefent  cafe,  or  fuch  as  re- 
femble  it,  becaufe  the  ad:  now  in  queftion 
is  formed  exprefsly  for  the  fole  purpofe  of 
raifmg  a  revenue. 

However,  fuppofing  the  defign  of  the  par 
liament  had  not  been  expreiled,  the  objecti 
on  feems  to  me  of  no  weight,  with  regard 
to  the  influence,  which  thofe  who  may  make 

countries,  and  not  a  fingle  duty  laid  on  any  produ<5ti- 
on  or  manufacture  of  our  mother  country.  Thirdly, 
the  authority  of  the  provincial  aflemblies  is  not  therein 
fo  plainly  attacked,  as  by  the  laft  act,  which  makes  pro- 
vifion  for  defraying  the  charges  of  the  adminiftration 
4  of  juftice,  and  the  fupport  of  civil  government,  4thly, 
4  That  it  being  doubtful  whether  the  intention  of  the 
4th  Geo.  III.  ch.  15,  was  not  as  much  to  regulate  trade 
as  to  raife  a  revenue,  the  minds  of  the  people  here 
were  wholly  engrofTed  by  the  terror  of  the  Stamp-act, 
then  impending  over  them,  about  the  intention  of 
which  they  could  be  in  no  doubt.' 
4  Thefe  reafons  fo  far  diftinguish  4th  Geo.  III.  ch.  15, 
from  the  laft  act,  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that 
the  firft  mould  have  been  fubmitted  to,  though  the  laft 
fhould  excite  the  moft  univerfal  and  fpirited  oppofiti- 
on.  For  this  will  be  found  on  the  ftrictest  examinati 
on  to  be,  in  the  principle  on  which  it  is  founded,  and 
in  the  confequences  that  muft  attend  it,  if  poflible, 
more  deftru&ive  than  the  Stamp-ad.  It  is,  to  fpeak 
plainly,  a  prodigy  in  our  laws,  not  having  one  Britim 
c  feature.' 


62  LETTER     VI. 

it,  might  expert  it  ought  to  have  on  the 
conduct  of  the  colonies. 

It  is  true,  that  impofitions  for  railing  a 
revenue,  may  be  hereafter  called  regulations 
of  trade,  but  names  will  not  change  the  na 
ture  of  things.  Indeed  we  ought  firmly  to 
believe,  what  is  an  undoubted  truth,  confirm 
ed  by  the  unhappy  experience  of  many  ftates 
heretofore  free,  that  unlefs  the  moil  watch 
ful  attention  be  exerted,  a  new  fervitude 
may  be  flipped  upon  us  under  the  fanclion 
of  ufual  and  refpectable  terms. 

Thus  the  Casfars  ruined  Roman  liberty, 
under  the  titles  of  tribunical  and  dictatorial 
authorities,—  —old  and  venerable  dignities, 
known  in  the  moft  flourishing  times  of  free 
dom.  In  imitation  of  the  fame  policy,  James 
II.  when  he  meant  to  eftablifh  popery,  talk 
ed  of  liberty  of  confcience,  the  moft  facred 
of  all  liberties  ;  and  had  thereby  almoft  de 
ceived  the  difTenters  into  deftruction. 

All  artful  rulers,  who  ftrive  to  extend  their 
own  power  beyond  its  juft  limits,  endeavour 
to  give  to  their  attempts,  as  much  femblance 
of  legality  as  pomble.  Thofe  who  fucceed 
them  may  venture  to  go  a  little  farther  ;  for 
each  new  encroachment  will  be  ftrengthened 
by  a  former,  b  "  That  which  is  now  fupport- 
"  ed  by  examples,  growing  old,  will  be- 
"  come  an  example  itfelf,"  and  thus  fup- 
port  frefh  ufurpations. 

(b)  Tacitus. 


LETTER     VI.  63 

A  free  people,  therefore,  can  never  be 
too  quick  in  obferving,  nor  too  firm  in  op- 
poling  the  beginnings  of  alterations,  either 
in  form  or  reality,  respecting  institutions 
formed  for  their  fecurity.  The  firSt  leads 
to  the  laSt ;  on  the  other  hand  nothing  is 
more  certain,  than  that  forms  of  liberty  may 
be  retained,  when  the  SubStance  is  gone.  In 
government  as  well  as  in  religion,  "  the 
"  letter  killeth,  but  the  fpirit  giveth  life."  c 

I  will  beg  leave  to  enforce  this  remark  by 
a  few  instances.  The  crown,  by  the  conStitu- 
tion,  has  the  prerogative  of  creating  peers ; 
the  exigence  of  that  order  in  due  number 
and  dignity,  is  efTential  to  the  constitution  ; 
and  if  the  crown  did  not  exercife  that  pre 
rogative,  the  peerage  muft  have  long  lince 
decreafed  fo  much,  as  to  have  loft  its  proper 
influence.  Suppofe  a  prince  for  fome  unjuft 
purpofes,  mould  from  time  to  time  advance 
many  needy  profligate  wretches,  to  that 
rank,  that  all  the  independance  of  the  houfe 
of  Lords  Should  be  destroyed,  there  would 
then  be  a  manifeft  violation  of  the  conStituti- 
on,  under  the  appearance  of  ufing  legal  pre 
rogative. 

The  houfe  of  Commons  claim  the  privi 
lege  of  forming  all  money-bills,  and  will 
not  fuffer  either  of  the  other  branches  of  the 
legiflature  to  add  to  or  alter  them;  contend 
ing  that  their  power,  Simply  extends  to  an 

r     2  Cor.  iii.  6 


64  LETTER     VI. 

acceptance  or  rejection  of  them.  This  privi 
lege  appears  to  be  juft  ;  but  under  pretence 
of  this  juft  privilege,  the  houfe  of  Commons 
has  claimed  a  licence  of  tacking  to  money 
bills,  claufes  relating  to  many  things  of  a  total 
ly  different  kind,  and  have  thus  forced  them, 
in  a  manner,  on  the  crown  and  lords.  This 
feems  to  be  an  abufe  of  that  privilege,  and 
it  may  be  vaftly  more  abufed.  Suppofe  a 
future  houfe  ;  influenced  by  fome  difplaced 
difcontented  demagogues,  in  a  time  of  dan 
ger,  mould  tack  to  a  money  bill  fomethmg 
fo  injurious  to  the  king  and  peers,  that  they 
would  not  aflent  to  it  and  yet  the  Commons 
mould  obftinately  infift  on  it;  thewholeking- 
dom  would  be  expofed  to  ruin,  under  the  ap 
pearance  of  maintaining  a  valuable  privilege. 

In  thefe  cafes  it  might  be  difficult  for  a 
while  to  determine,  whether  the  King  in 
tended  to  exercife  his  prerogative  in  a  con- 
ftitutional  manner  or  not  ;  or  whether  the 
Commons  infifted  on  the  demand  factitiouily, 
or  for  the  public  good  :  But  furely  the  con 
duct  of  the  crown,  or  of  the  houfe,  would 
in  time  fufficiently  explain  itfelf. 

Ought  not  the  people  therefore  to  watch 
to  obferve  facts  ?  to  fearch  into  caufes  ?  to 
inveftigate  defigns  ?  and  have  they  not  a 
right  of  judging  from  the  evidence  before 
them,  on  no  {lighter  points  than  their  liber 
ty  and  happinefs  ?  It  would  be  lefs  than  trif 
ling,  wherever  a  Britifh  government  is  efta- 
blifhed,  to  make  ufe  of  any  other  arguments 


LETTER     VI.  65 

to  prove  fuch  a  right.  It  is  fufficient  to  re 
mind  the  reader  of  the  day  on  which  King 
William  landed  at  Torbay.  d 

I  will  now  apply  what  has  been  faid  to 
the  prefent  queftion.  The  nature  of  any  im- 
pofitions  laid  by  parliament  on  the  colonies, 
muft  determine  the  defign  in  laying  them. 
It  may  not  be  eafy  in  every  inftance  to  dif- 
cover  that  defign.  Whenever  it  is  doubtful, 
I  think  fubmiffion  cannot  be  dangerous ; 
nay,  it  muft  be  right  :  for,  in  my  opinion, 
there  is  no  privilege  the  colonies  claim,  which 
they  ought,  in  duty  and  prudence,  more 
earneftly  to  maintain  and  defend,  than  the 
authority  of  the  Britifh  parliament  to  regu 
late  the  trade  of  all  her  dominions.  Without 
this  authority,  the  benefits  me  enjoys  from 
our  commerce,  muft  be  loft  to  her  :  The 
bleffings  we  enjoy  from  our  dependance  up 
on  her,  muft  be  loft  to  us  ;  her  ftrength  muft 
decay  ;  her  glory  vanifh ;  and  me  cannot  fuf- 
fer,  without  our  partaking  in  her  misfortune. 

"  Let  us  therefore  cherim  her  intereft 

"  as  our  own,  and  give  her  every  thing 
"  that  it  becomes  FREEMEN  to  give  or 
"  to  receive." 

The  nature  of  any  impofitions  me  may 
lay  upon  us,  may  in  general  be  known,  con- 
iidering  how  far  they  relate  to  the  preferv- 
ing,  in  due  order,  the  connexion  between  the 

I 

(a)  November  5,  1688. 


66  LETTER     VI. 

feveral  parts  of  the  Britifli  empire.  One  thing 
we  may  be  allured  of,  which  is  this  ;  when 
ever  a  ftatute  impofes  duties  on  commodities, 
to  be  paid  only  upon  their  exportation  from 
Great-Britain  to  thefe  colonies,  it  is  not  a 
regulation  of  trade,  but  a  deiign  to  raife  a 
revenue  upon  us.  Other  inftances  may  hap 
pen,  which  it  may  not  be  neceflary  to  dwell 
on.  I  hope  thefe  colonies  will  never,  to  their 
lateft  exiftence,  want  underftanding  fuffici- 
ent  to  difcover  the  intentions  of  thofe  who 
rule  over  them,  nor  the  refolution  necefTary 
for  averting  their  interefts.  They  will  al 
ways  have  the  fame  right  that  all  free  ftates 
have,  of  judging  when  their  privileges  are 
invaded,  and  of  ufing  all  prudent  meafures 
for  preferving  them. 


Quocirca  vivite  fortes ' ' 

Fortiaque  adverjis  opponite  peftora  rebus" 


Wherefore  keep  up  your  fpirits,  and  gal 
lantly  oppofe  this  adverfe  courfe  of  affairs. 

A    FARMER. 


LETTER     VII. 

Beloved  Countrymen, 

THIS  letter  is  intended  more  particularly 
for  fuch  of  you,  whofe  employment 
in  life  may  have  prevented  your  attending  to 
the  confideration  of  fome  points  that  are  of 
great  and  public  importance.  For  many 
fuch  perfons  there  muft  be  even  in  thefe  co 
lonies,  where  the  inhabitants  in  general  are 
more  intelligent  than  any  other  people,  as 
has  been  remarked  by  ftrangers,  and  it  seems 
with  reafon. 

Some  of  you  perhaps,  filled  as  I  know  your 
breafts  are  with  loyalty  to  our  moft  excellent 
prince,  and  with  love  to  our  dear  mother 
country,  may  feel  yourfelves  inclined  by  the 
affections  of  your  hearts,  to  approve  every 
action  of  thofe  whom  you  fo  much  venerate 
and  efteem. 

A  prejudice  thus  flowing  from  goodnefs 
of  difpoiition  is  amiable  indeed.  I  wifh  it 
could  be  indulged  without  danger.  Did  I 
think  this  poffible,  the  error  mould  have 
been  adopted,  not  oppofed  by  me.  But  in 
truth,  all  men  are  fubjedt  to  the  paffions  and 
frailties  of  nature;  and  therefore  whatever  re 
gard  we  entertain  for  the  perfons  of  thofe 
who  govern  us,  we  mould  always  remem- 


68  LETTER     VII. 

her  that  their  conduct  as  rulers  may  be  in 
fluenced  by  human  infirmities. 

When  any  laws  injurious  to  thefe  colonies 
are  parTed,  we  cannot,  with  the  leaft  propri 
ety,  fuppofe  that  any  injury  was  intended  us 
by  his  Majefty  or  the  Lords.  For  the  affent 
of  the  crown  and  peers  to  law  feems,  as  far 
as  I  am  able  to  judge,  to  have  been  veiled  in 
them,  more  for  their  own  fecurity  than  for 
any  other  purpofe.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
the  particular  bufinefs  of  the  people  to  en 
quire  and  difcover  what  regulations  are  ufe- 
ful  for  themfelves,  and  to  digeft  and  prefent 
them  in  the  form  of  bills  to  the  other  orders, 
to  have  them  enacted  into  laws — Where 
thefe  laws  are  to  bind  themfelves,  it  may 
be  expected  that  the  houfe  of  Commons  will 
very  carefully  confider  them  :  But  when  they 
are  making  laws,  that  are  not  defigned  to 
bind  themfelves,  we  cannot  imagine  that 
their  deliberations  will  be  as  cautious  and 
fcrupulous  as  in  their  own  cafe.  a 

(a)  Many  remarkable  inftances  might  be  produced  of 
the  extraordinary  inattention  with  which  bills  of  great 
importance,  concerning  thefe  colonies,  have  parted  in 
parliament ;  which  is  owing,  as  it  is  fuppofled,  to  the 
bills  being  brought  in  by  the  perfons  who  have  points  to 
carry,  fo  artfully  framed,  that  it  is  not  eafy  for  the 
members  in  general,  in  the  hafte  of  bufinefs,  to  difco 
ver  their  tendency. 

The  following  inftances  fliew  the  truth  of  this  remark. 
When  Mr.  Grenville,  in  the  violence  of  reformation 
and  innovation,  formed  the  4th  Geo.  III.  chap,  ifth, 
for  regulating  the  American  trade,  the  word  "  Ireland  " 
was  dropt  in  the  claufe  relating  to  our  iron  and  lumber, 
fo  that  we  could  fend  thefe  articles  to  no  other  part 


LETTER     VII.  69 

I  am  told  that  there  is  a  wonderful  ad- 
drefs  frequently  ufed  in  carrying  points  in 
the  houfe  of  commons,  by  perfons  experien 
ced  in  thefe  affairs — that  opportunities  are 
watched — and  fometimes  votes  are  paft,  that 
if  all  the  members  had  been  prefent,  would 

of  Europe,  but  to  Great-Britain.  This  was  fo  unreafon- 
able  a  reftriclion,  and  fo  contrary  to  the  fentiments  of 
the  legiflature,  for  many  years  before,  that  it  is  furprif- 
ing  it  fhould  not  have  been  taken  notice  of  in  the  houfe. 
However  the  bill  pafled  into  a  law.  But  when  the  mat 
ter  was  explained,  this  reftri&ion  was  taken  off  in  a  fub- 
fequent  a6L 

I  cannot  poftively  fay,  how  long  after  the  taking  off 
this  reftriftion,  as  I  have  not  the  acls  ;  but  I  think  in  lefs 
than  eighteen  months,  another  acl:  of  parliament  pafled, 
in  which  the  word  "  Ireland,"  was  left  out  as  it  had 
been  before.  The  matter  being  a  fecond  time  explain 
ed,  was  a  fecond  time  regulated. 

Now  if  it  be  confidered,  that  the  omiflion  mentioned 
ftruck  off,  with  one  word,  fo  very  great  a  part  of  our 
trade,  it  muft  appear  remarkable :  and  equally  fo  is  the 
method  by  which  rice  became  an  enumerated  commodi 
ty,  and  therefore  could  be  carried  to  Great-Britain  only. 

"  The  enumeration  was  obtained,  (fays  Mr.  Gee*)  by 
one  Cole,  a  Captain  of  a  fhip,  employed  by  a  company 
then  trading  to  Carolina ;  for  feveral  fhips  going  from 
England  thither  and  purchafing  rice  for  Portugal,  pre 
vented  the  aforefaid  Captain  of  a  loading.  Upon  his 
coming  home,  he  poffefled  one  Mr.  Lowndes,  a  member 
of  parliament  (who  was  very  frequently  employed  to 
prepare  bills)  with  an  opinion,  that  carrying  rice  direct 
ly  to  Portugal  was  a  prejudice  to  the  trade  of  England, 
and  privately  got  a  claufe  into  an  acl:  to  make  it  an  e- 
numerated  commodity  ;  by  which  means  he  fecured  a 
freight  to  himfelf.  But  the  confequence  proved  a  vaft 
lofs  to  the  nation." 

I  find  that  this  claufe  "  privately  got  into  an  a&," 
for  the  benefit  of  Capt.  Cole,  to  the  vaft  lofs  of  the  nati 
on,"  is  foifted  into  the  3d  Anne,  chap.  5,  intituled, 
*  Gee  on  trade,  p.  3z. 


70  LETTER     VII. 

have  been  rejeded  by  a  great  majority. 
Certain  it  is,  that  when  a  powerful  and  art 
ful  man  has  determined  on  any  meafure  a- 
gainft  thefe  colonies,  he  has  always  fucceed- 
ed  in  his  attempt.  Perhaps  therefore  it 
will  be  proper  for  us,  whenever  any  oppref- 
five  ad:  affecting  us  is  paft,  to  attribute  it  to 
the  inattention  of  the  members  of  the  houfe 
of  commons,  and  to  the  malevolence  or 
ambition  of  fome  factious  great  man,  rather 
than  to  any  other  caufe. 

Now  I  do  verily  believe,  that  the  late  ad; 
of  parliament  impofing  duties  on  paper,  &c. 
was  formed  by  Mr.  Grenville  and  his  party, 
becaufe  it  is  evidently  a  part  of  that  plan, 
by  which  he  endeavoured  to  render  himfelf 
popular  at  home  ;  and  I  do  alfo  believe  that 
not  one  half  of  the  members  of  the  houfe 
of  commons,  even  of  thofe  who  heard  it 
read,  did  perceive  how  deftrudive  it  was  to 
American  freedom. 

For  this  reafon,  as  it  is  ufual  in  Great- 
Britain,  to  conlider  the  King's  fpeech,  as 
the  fpeech  of  the  miniftry,  it  may  be  right 
here  to  confider  this  ad  as  the  ad  of  a  party. 
— Perhaps  I  mould  fpeak  more  properly  if  I 
was  to  ufe  another  term. — 


"  An  a&  for  granting  to  her  Majefty  a  further  fubfidy 
"  on  wines  and  merchandizes  imported,"  with  which 
it  has  no  more  connexion,  than  with  34th  Edw.  i.  34th 
and  35th  of  Henry  VIII.  or  the  25th  of  Car.  II.  which 
provide  that  no  perfon  (hall  be  taxed  but  by  himfelf  or 
his  reprefentative. 


LETTER     VII.  71 

There  are  two  ways  of  laying  taxes. — 
One  is  by  impofing  a  certain  furn  on  parti 
cular  kinds  of  property,  to  be  paid  by  the 
ufer  or  confumer,  or  by  taxing  the  perfon 
at  a  certain  fum  ;  the  other  is,  by  impofing 
a  certain  fum  on  particular  kinds  of  property 
to  be  paid  by  the  feller. 

When  a  man  pays  the  firfl  fort  of  tax,  he 
knows  with  certainty  that  he  pays  fo  much 
money  for  a  tax.  The  confideration  for 
which  he  pays  it  is  remote,  and  it  may  be  does 
not  occur  to  him.  He  is  fenfible  too  that 
he  is  commanded  and  obliged  to  pay  it  as  a 
tax  ;  and  therefore  people  are  apt  to  be  dif- 
pleafed  with  this  fort  of  tax. 

The  other  fort  of  tax  is  fubmitted  to  in 
a  very  different  manner.  The  purchafer  of 
any  article  very  feldom  reflects  that  the 
feller  raifes  his  price  fo  as  to  indemnify  him 
for  the  tax  he  has  paid.  He  knows  the 
prices  of  things  are  continually  fluctuating, 
and  if  he  thinks  about  the  tax,  he  thinks 
at  the  fame  time  in  all  probability,  that  he 
might  have  paid  as  much,  if  the  article  he 
buys  had  not  been  taxed.  He  gets  fome- 
thing  vifible  and  agreeable  for  his  money, 
and  tax  and  price  are  fo  confounded  toge 
ther,  that  he  cannot  feparate,  or  does  not 
chufe  to  take  the  trouble  of  feparating 
them. 

This  mode  of  taxation  therefore  is  the 
mode  fuited  to  arbitrary  and  oppreflive  go 
vernments.  The  love  of  liberty  is  fo  natural 


72  LETTER     VII. 

to  the  human  heart,  that  unfeeling  tyrants 
think  themfelves  obliged  to  accommodate 
their  fchemes  as  much  as  they  can  to  the 
appearance  of  juftice  and  reafon,  and  to 
deceive  thofe  whom  they  refolve  to  deftroy 
or  opprefs,  by  prefenting  to  them  a  mifera- 
ble  picture  of  freedom,  when  the  ineftimable 
original  is  loft. 

This  policy  did  not  efcape  the  cruel  and 
rapacious  Nero.  That  monfter,  apprehen- 
iive  that  his  crimes  might  endanger  his  au 
thority  and  life,  thought  proper  to  do 
fome  popular  acts  to  fecure  the  obedience  of 
his  fubjects.  Among  other  things,  fays 

b  Tacitus,   "  he    remitted    the   twenty-fifth 

j 

"  part  of  the  price  on  the  fale  of  Haves, 
"  but  rather  in  mew  than  reality  ;  for  the 
"  feller  being  ordered  to  pay  it,  it  became 
"  a  part  of  the  price  to  the  buyer." 

This  is  the  reflection  of  the  judicious  hif- 
torian  :  but  the  deluded  people  gave  their 
infamous  emperor  full  credit  for  his  falfe 
generofity.  Other  nations  have  been  treated 
in  the  fame  manner  the  Romans  were.  The 
honeft  induftrious  Germans  who  are  fettled 
in  different  parts  of  this  continent  can  in 
form  us,  that  it  was  this  fort  of  tax  that 
drove  them  from  their  native  land  to  our 
woods,  at  that  time  the  feats  of  perfect  and 
undifturbed  freedom. 

Their  princes  inflamed  by  the  luft  of 
power  and  the  luft  of  avarice,  two  furies, 
(£)  Tacitus's  An.  b.  13.  f.  31. 


LETTER     VII.  73 

that  the  more  hungry  they  grow,  tranfgrefled 
the  bounds,  they  ought  in  regard  to  themfel- 
ves,  to  have  obferved.  To  keep  up  the  decep 
tion  in  the  minds  of  fubjeclis  "  there  muft 
be,"  fays  a  very  learned  author  d  "  fome 
proportion  between  the  import  and  the  value 
of  the  commodity  ;  wherefore  there  ought 
not  to  be  an  exceffive  duty  upon  merchan 
dizes  of  little  value.  There  are  countries 
in  which  the  duty  exceeds  feventeen  or  eigh 
teen  times  the  value  of  the  commodity.  In 
this  cafe  the  prince  removes  the  illulion. 
His  fubjects  plainly  fee  they  are  dealt  with 
in  an  unreafonable  manner,  which  renders 
them  moft  exquilitely  fenfible  of  their  flavim 
lituation." 

From  hence  it  appears  that  fubjects  may 
be  ground  down  into  mifery  by  this  fort  of 
taxation  as  well  as  the  other.  They  may  be 
as  much  impoverimed  if  their  money  is 
taken  from  them  in  this  way,  as  in  the  other  ; 
and  that  it  will  be  taken,  may  be  more  evi 
dent,  by  attending  to  a  few  more  confidera- 
tions. 

The  merchant,  or  importer  who  pays  the 
duty  at  firft,  will  not  confent  to  be  fo  much 
money  out  of  pocket.  He,  therefore,  pro- 
portionably  raifes  the  price  of  his  goods.  It 
may  then  be  faid  to  be  a  conteft  between 
him  and  the  perfon  offering  to  buy,  who 
mail  lofe  the  duty.  This  muft  be  decided 
by  the  nature  of  the  commodities  and  the 
purchafers  demand  for  them.  If  they  are 

K 

(tf)  Montefquieu's  fpirit  of  laws,  b.  13.  chap.  8. 


74  LETTER     VII. 

mere  luxuries,  he  is  at  liberty  to  do  as  he 
pleafes,  and  if  he  buys,  he  does  it  voluntari 
ly  :  But  if  they  are  abfolute  neceffaries,  or 
conveniences  which  ufe  and  cuftom  have 
made  requifite  for  the  comfort  of  life,  and 
which  he  is  not  permitted,  by  the  power 
impofmg  the  duty,  to  get  elfewhere,  there 
the  feller  has  a  plain  advantage,  and  the 
buyer  muft  pay  the  duty.  In  fact,  the  feller 
is  nothing  lefs  than  the  collector  of  the  tax 
for  the  power  that  impofed  it.  If  thefe 
duties  then  are  extended  to  neceffaries  and 
conveniences  of  life  in  general,  and  enor- 
mouily  increafed,  the  people  muft  at  length 
become  indeed  "  moft  exquilitely  fenfible 
of  their  flavifh  fituation." 

Their  happinefs,  therefore,  entirely  de 
pends  on  the  moderation  of  thofe  who  have 
authority  to  impofe  the  duties. 

I  mail  now  apply  thefe  obfervations  to  the 
late  aft  of  parliament.  Certain  duties  are 
thereby  impofed  on  paper  and  glafs,  &c.  im 
ported  into  thefe  colonies.  By  the  laws  of 
Great-Britain  we  are  prohibited  to  get  thefe 
articles  from  any  other  part  of  the  world. 
We  cannot  at  prefent,  nor  for  many  years  to 
come,  though  we  fhould  apply  ourfelves  to 
thefe  manufactures  with  the  utmoft  induftry, 
make  enough  ourfelves  for  our  own  ufe. 
That  paper  and  glafs  are  not  only  convenient, 
but  abfolutely  neceflary  for  us,  I  imagine  ve 
ry  few  will  contend.  Some,  perhaps,  who 
think  mankind  grew  wicked  and  luxurious  as 
foon  as  they  found  out  another  way  of  com- 


LETTER     VII.  75 

municating  their  fentiments  than  by  fpeech, 
and  another  way  of  dwelling  than  in  caves, 
may  advance  fo  whimfical  an  opinion.  But 
I  prefume  nobody  will  take  the  unnecefTary 
trouble  of  refuting  them. 

From  thefe  remarks  I  think  it  evident,  that 
we  muft  ufe  paper  and  glafs,  that  what  we 
ufe  muft  be  Britijh,  and  that  we  muft  pay 
the  duties  impofed  unlefs  thofe  who  fell 
thefe  articles  are  fo  generous  as  to  make  us 
prefents  of  the  duties  they  pay,  which  is  not 
to  be  expected. 

Some  perfons  may  think  this  act  of  no  con- 
fequence,  becaufe  the  duties  are  fo  fmall. 
A  fatal  error.  That  is  the  very  circum- 
ftance  moft  alarming  to  me.  For  I  am  con 
vinced  that  the  authors  of  this  law,  would  ne 
ver  have  obtained  an  act  to  raife  fo  trifling 
a  fum,  as  it  muft  do,  had  they  not  intend 
ed  by  it  to  eftablifti  a  precedent  for  future 
ufe.  To  confole  ourfelves  with  the  fmallnefs 
of  the  duties,  is  to  walk  deliberately  into  the 
fnare  that  is  fet  for  us,  praifing  the  neatnefs 
of  the  workmanfhip.  Suppofe  the  duties, 
impofed  by  the  late  act,  could  be  paid  by 
thefe  diftrefTed  colonies,  with  the  utmoft  eafe, 
and  that  the  purpofes,  to  which  they  are  to 
be  applied,  were  the  moft  reafonable  and  e- 
quitable  that  could  be  conceived,  the  contra 
ry  of  which  I  hope  to  demonftrate  before 
thefe  letters  are  concluded,  yet  even  in  such 
a  fuppofed  cafe,  thefe  colonies  ought  to  re 
gard  the  act  with  abhorrence.  For  who  are 
a  free  people  ?  not  thofe  over  whom  govern 
ment  is  reafonably  and  equitably  exercifed 


76  LETTER     VII. 

but  thofe  who  live  under  a  government,  fo 
conjlitutionally  checked  and  confronted,  that 
proper  provision  is  made  againft  its  being  o- 
therwife  exercifed.  The  late  ad:  is  founded  on 
the  definition  of  this  conftitutional  fecurity. 

If  the  parliament  have  a  right  to  lay  a  duty 
of  four  fhillings  and  eight  pence  on  a  hun 
dred  weight  of  glafs,  or  a  ream  of  paper, 
they  have  a  right  to  lay  a  duty  of  any  other 
fum  on  either.  They  may  raife  the  duty 
as  the  author  before  quoted  fays,  has  been 
done  in  fome  countries,  till  it  "  exceeds  fe- 
"  venteen  or  eighteen  times  the  value  of  the 
"  commodity."  In  fhort,  if  they  have  a 
right  to  levy  a  tax  of  one  penny  upon  us, 
they  have  a  right  to  levy  a  million  upon  us. 
For  where  does  their  right  flop  ?  At  any  gi 
ven  number  of  pence,  millings,  or  pounds  ? 
To  attempt  to  limit  their  right,  after  grant 
ing  it  to  exift  at  all,  is  as  contrary  to  reafon, 
as  granting  it  to  exift  at  all  is  contrary  to 
juftice.  If  they  have  any  right  to  tax  us, 
then,  whether  our  own  money  mall  continue 
in  our  own  pockets,  or  not,  depends  no  long 
er  on  us,  but  on  them.  "  There  is  nothing 
"  which  we  can  call  our  own",  or  to  ufe 
the  words  of  Mr.  Locke,  "  What  property 
"  have"  we  "  in  that,  which  another  may, 
"  by  right,  take,  when  he  pleafes,  to  him- 
«  felf."  e 

Thefe  duties,  which  will  inevitably  be  le 
vied  upon  us,  and  which  are  now  levying  up 
on  us,  are  exprefsly  laid  for  the  fole  purpofe 
of  taking  money.  This  is  the  true  definiti- 

(e)  Speech  Lord  Cambden  lately  publifhed. 


LETTER     VII.  77 

on  of  taxes.  They  are  therefore  taxes.  This 
money  is  to  be  taken  from  us.  We  are 
therefore  taxed.  Thofe  who  are  taxed  with 
out  their  own  confent,  given  by  themfelves, 
or  their  reprefentatives,  are  flaves.  f  We  are 

(f)  This  is  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Pitt,  in  his  fpeech  on 
the  Stamp-a6L 

"  It  is  my  opinion,  that  this  kingdom  has  no  right  to 
"  lay  a  tax  upon  the  colonies.  The  AMERICANS  are  the 
"  SONS,  not  the  BASTARDS  of  ENGLAND.  The  dif- 
"  tin&ion  between  legiflation  and  taxation  is  eflential- 
"  ly  neceflary  to  liberty.  The  Commons  of  America  re- 
"  prefented  in  their  feveral  aflemblies,  have  ever  been 
"  in  poffeflion  of  this  their  conftitutional  right  of  giv- 
"  ing  and  granting  their  own  money.  They  would 
"  have  been  flaves  if  they  had  not  enjoyed  it.  The  i- 
"  dea  of  a  virtual  reprefentation  of  America,  in  this 
"  houfe,  is  the  moft  contemptible  idea  that  ever  enter- 
"  ed  into  the  head  of  man.  It  does  not  deferve  a  feri- 
"  ous  refutation. 

That  great  and  excellent  man  Lord  Cambden,  main 
tains  the  fame  opinion  in  his  fpeech,  in  the  houfe  of 
peers,  on  the  declaratory  bill  of  the  fovereignty  of  Great- 
Britain  over  the  colonies.  The  following  extracts  fo 
perfectly  agree  with,  and  confirm  the  fentiments  avow 
ed  in  thefe  letters,  that  it  is  hoped  the  inferting  them  in 
this  note  will  be  excufed. 

"  As  the  affair  is  of  the  utmoft  importance,  and  in  its 
"  confequences  may  involve  the  fate  of  kingdoms,  I  took 
"  the  ftri&est  review  of  my  arguments  ;  I  re-examined 
"  all  my  authorities  ;  fully  determined,  if  I  found  my- 
u  felf  miftaken,  publicly  to  own  my  miftake,  and  give  up 
"  my  opinion,  but  my  fearches  have  more  and  more 
"  convinced  me,  that  the  Britifli  parliament  have  no 
"  right  to  tax  the  Americans.  Nor  is  the  doctrine  new; 
"  it  is  as  old  as  the  conftitution  ;  it  grew  up  with  it, 
"  indeed  it  is  its  fupport.  Taxation  and  reprefentation 
u  are  infeparably  united.  God  hath  joined  them ;  no 
"  Britifh  parliament  can  feparate  them  ;  to  endeavour 
"  to  do  it  is  to  ftab  our  vitals. 

"  My  pofition  is  this — I  repeat  it — I  will  maintain  it 
"  to  my  laft  hour — Taxation  and  reprefentation  are  in- 
"  feparable.  This  pofition  is  ounded  on  the  laws  of 
"  nature ;  it  is  more,  it  is  itfelf  an  eternal  law  of  na- 


78  LETTER     VII. 

taxed  without  our  own  confent  given  by 
ourfelves,  or  our  reprefentatives.  We  are 

therefore 1  fpeak  it  with  grief I 

fpeak  it  with  indignation we  are  flaves. 

"  Miferabile  vu/gus. 

A  miferable  tribe. 

A      FARMER. 

"  ture ;  for  whatever  is  a  man's  own,  is  abfolutely  his 
"  own ;  and  no  man  hath  a  right  to  take  it  from  him 
"  without  his  confent,  either  exprefled  by  himself  or 
"  reprefentative ;  whoever  attempts  to  do  it,  attempts 
41  an  injury ;  whoever  does  it,  commits  a  robbery  ;  he 
"  throws  down  the  diftin&ion  between  liberty  and  fla- 
u  very."  "  There  is  not  a  blade  of  grafs,  in  the  moft 
"  obfcure  corner  of  the  kingdom,  which  is  not,  which 
11  was  not,  reprefented  fince  the  conftitution  began : 
"  there  is  not  a  blade  of  grafs,  which  when  taxed,  was 
"  not  taxed  by  the  confent  of  the  proprietor."  "  The 
"  forefathers  of  the  Americans  did  not  leave  their  na- 
"  tive  country,  and  fubjecl:  themfelves  to  every  danger 
"  and  diftrefs,  to  be  reduced  to  the  ftate  of  flavery.  They 
"  did  not  give  up  their  rights  ;  they  looked  for  protec- 
"  tion,  and  not  for  chains,  from  their  mother-country. 
"  By  her  they  expected  to  be  defended  in  the  pofleffion  of 
"  their  property  ;  and  not  to  be  deprived  of  it :  For  fhould 
"  the  prefent  power  continue,  there  is  nothing  which 
u  they  can  call  their  own,  or,  to  ufe  the  words  of  Mr. 
"  Locke,  what  property  have  they  in  that,  which  ano- 
"  ther  may,  by  right,  take,  when  he  pleafes,  to  him 
«  felf." 

It  is  impoffible  to  read  this  fpeech  and  Mr.  Pitt's,  and 
not  be  charmed  with  the  generous  zeal  for  the  rights  of 
mankind,  that  glows  in  every  fentence.  Thefe  great 
and  good  men,  animated  by  the  fubjecl:  they  fpeak  up 
on,  feem  to  rife  above  all  the  former  glorious  exertions 
of  their  abilities.  A  foreigner  might  be  tempted  to 
think  they  are  Americans,  afTerting  with  all  the  ardour 
of  patriotifm,  and  all  the  anxiety  of  apprehenfion,  the 
caufe  of  their  native  land,  and  not  Britons  ftriving  to 
flop  their  miftaken  countrymen  from  oppreffing  others. 
There  reafoning  is  not  only  juft  ;  it  is  "  vehement,"  as 
Mr.  Hume  fays  of  the  eloquence  of  Demofthenes, 
11  'Tis  difdain,  anger,  boldnefs,  freedom,  involved  in  a 
"  continual  ftream  of  argument."  Hume's  Eflay  on  E- 
loquence. 


LETTER   VIII. 

Beloved  Countrymen, 
s~ 

IN  my  opinion,  a  dangerous  example  is 
fet  in  the  laft  aft  relating  to  thefe  colo 
nies.  The  power  of  parliament  to  levy 
money  upon  us  for  raifing  a  revenue,  is 
therein  avowed  and  exerted.  Regarding 
the  act  on  this  fmgle  principle,  I  muft  again 
repeat,  and  I  think  it  my  duty  to  repeat, 
that  to  me  it  appears  to  be  unconftitutional. 

No  man,  who  confiders  the  conduct  of 
parliament  fmce  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp-act, 
and  the  difpofition  of  many  people  at  home, 
can  doubt,  that  the  chief  object  of  attention 
there,  is,  to  ufe  Mr.  Grenville's  expreffion, 
"  providing  that  the  dependance  and  obedi 
ence  of  the  colonies  be  afferted  and  main 
tained." 

Under  the  influence  of  this  notion,  inftant- 
ly  on  repealing  the  Stamp-act,  an  act  pafTed, 
declaring  the  power  of  parliament  to  bind 
thefe  colonies  in  all  cafes  whatever.  This, 
however,  was  only  planting  a  barren  tree, 
that  caft  a  made  indeed  over  the  colonies, 
but  yielded  no  fruit.  It  being  determined 
to  enforce  the  authority  on  which  the  Stamp- 
act  was  founded,  the  parliament  having 
never  renounced  the  right,  as  Mr.  Pitt  ad- 
vifed  them  to  do  ;  and  it  being  thought 


8o  LETTER     VIII. 

proper  to  difguife  that  authority  in  fuch  a 
manner,  as  not  again  to  alarm  the  colo 
nies  ;  fome  little  time  was  required  to  find 
a  method,  by  which  both  thefe  points  mould 
be  united.  At  laft  the  ingenuity  of  Mr. 
Greenville  and  his  party  accomplimed  the 
matter,  as  it  was  thought,  in  "  An  act  for 
granting  certain  duties  in  the  Britifh  colo 
nies  and  plantations  in  America,  for  allow 
ing  drawbacks,  &c.  which  is  the  title  of  the 
aft  laying  duties  on  paper,  &c. 

The  parliament  having  feveral  times  be 
fore  impofed  duties  to  be  paid  in  America, 
it  was  expected  no  doubt,  that  the  repeti 
tion  of  fuch  a  meafure  would  be  paiTed  over 
as  an  ufual  thing.  But  to  have  done  this, 
without  exprefsly  alTerting  and  maintaining 
"  the  power  of  parliament  to  take  our  mo 
ney  without  our  confent,"  and  to  apply  it  as 
they  pleafe,  would  not  have  been  fufficiently 
declarative  of  its  fupremacy,  nor  jfurBciently 
depreffive  of  American  freedom. 

Therefore  it  is,  that  in  this  memorable  act 
we  find  it  exprefsly  "  provided"  that  money 
mall  be  levied  upon  us  without  our  confent, 
for  purpofes,  that  render  it,  if  pomble.  more 
than  the  Stamp-act. 

That  act,  alarming  as  it  was,  declared, 
the  money  thereby  to  be  raifed,  mould  be 
applied  "  towards  defraying  the  expences 
"  of  defending,  protecting  and  fecuring  the 
"  Britifh  colonies  and  plantations  in  Ameri- 
"  ca  :"  And  it  is  evident  from  the  whole 
act,  that  by  the  word  "  Britifh"  were  in- 


LETTER     VIII.  81 

tended  colonies  and  plantations  fettled  by 
British  people,  and  not  generally,  thofe  fub- 
ject  to  the  Britifh  crown.  That  act  therefore 
feemed  to  have  fomething  gentle  and  kind  in 
its  intention,  and  to  aim  only  at  our  own  wel 
fare  t  But  the  act  now  objected  to,  impofes 
duties  upon  the  Britim  colonies,  "  to  defray 
the  expences  of  defending,  protecting  and 
fecuringhis  Majefty's  dominions  in  America." 

What  a  change  of  words !  What  an  incom 
putable  addition  to  the  expences  intended  by 
the  Stamp-act !  "  His  Majefty's  dominions  " 
comprehended  not  only  the  Britim  colonies  ; 
but  alfo  the  conquered  provinces  of  Canada 
and  Florida,  and  the  Britim  garrifons  of  Nova- 
Scotia  ;  for  thefe  do  not  deferve  the  name 
of  colonies. 

What  juftice  is  there  in  making  us  pay  for 
"  defending,  protecting  and  fecuring"  thefe 
places  ?  What  benefit  can  we,  or  have  we  ever 
derived  from  them  r  None  of  them  was  con 
quered  for  us  ;  nor  will  "  be  defended,  pro 
tected  and  fecured"  for  us. 

In  fact,  however  advantageous  thefubduing 
or  keeping  any  of  thefe  countries  may  be  to 
Great-Britain,  the  acquifition  is  greatly  inju 
rious  to  thefe  colonies.  Our  chief  property 
confifts  in  lands.  Thefe  would  have  been  of 
a  much  greater  value,  if  fuch  prodigious  ad 
ditions  had  not  been  made  to  the  Britim  ter 
ritories  on  this  continent.  The  natural  in- 
creafe  of  our  own  people,  if  confined  within 

L 


82  LETTER     VIII. 

the  colonies,  would  have  raifed  the  value  ftill 
higher  and  higher,  every  fifteen  or  twenty 
years.  Befides,  we  mould  have  lived  more 
compactly  together,  and  have  been  therefore 
more  able  to  refift  any  enemy. 

But  now  the  inhabitants  will  be  thinly 
fcattered  over  an  immenfe  region,  as  thofe 
who  want  fettlements,  will  chufe  to  make 
new  ones,  rather  than  pay  great  prices  for 
old  ones. 

Thefe  are  the  confequences  to  the  colonies 
of  the  hearty  affiftance  they  gave  to  Great- 
Britain  in  the  late  war.—  —A  war,  underta 
ken  folely  for  her  own  benefit.  The  objects 
of  it  were,  the  fecuring  to  herfelf  the  rich 
traces  of  land  on  the  back  of  thefe  colonies, 
with  the  Indian  trade,  and  Nova-Scotia  with 
the  fimery.  Thefe,  and  much  more  has  that 
kingdom  gained  ;  but  the  inferior  animals 
that  hunted  with  the  Lion,  have  been  amply 
rewarded  for  all  the  fweat  and  blood  their 
loyalty  coft  them,  by  the  honour  of  having 
fweated  and  bled  in  fuch  company. 

I  will  not  go  fo  far  as  to  fay,  that  Cana 
da  and  Nova-Scotia  are  curbs  on  New-Eng 
land  ;  the  chain  of  forts  through  the  back 
woods,  on  the  middle  provinces  ;  and  Flori 
da,  on  the  reft  :  but  I  will  venture  to  say,  that 
if  the  products  of  Canada,  Nova-Scotia  and 
Florida,  deferve  any  confideration,  the  two 
firft  of  them  are  only  rivals  of  our  northern 
colonies  and  the  other  of  our  fouthern. 


LETTER     VIII.  83 

as  been  faid,  that  without  the  conqueft 
of  thefe  countries,  the  colonies  could  not 
have  been  "  protected,  defended,  and  fecur- 
"  ed  ;"  If  that  is  true,  it  may  with  as  much 
propriety  be  faid,  that  Great-Britain  could 
not  have  been  "  defended,  protected,  and 
"  fecured"  without  that  conqueft  :  for  the 
colonies  are  parts  of  her  empire,  which  it 
is  as  much  concerns  her  as  them  to  keep  out 
of  the  hands  of  any  other  power. 

But  thefe  colonies  when  they  were  much 
weaker,  defended  themfelves,  before  this 
conqueft  was  made  ;  and  could  again  do  it, 
againft  any  that  might  properly  be  called 
their  enemies.  If  France  and  Spain  indeed 
fhould  attack  them,  as  members  of  the  Bri- 
tim  empire  perhaps  they  might  be  diftrefled  ; 
but  it  would  be  in  a  Britifh  quarrel. 

The  largeft  account  I  have  feen  of  the  num 
ber  of  people  in  Canada,  does  not  make  them 
exceed  90,000.  Florida  can  hardly  be  said  to 

have  any  inhabitants It  is  computed  that 

there  are  in  our  colonies,  3,000,000. — Our 
force  therefore  muft  encreafe  with  a  difpro- 
portion  to  the  growth  of  their  ftrength,  that 
would  render  us  very  fafe. 

This  being  the  ftate  of  the  cafe,  I  cannot 
think  it  juft,  that  thefe  colonies,  labouring 
under  fo  many  misfortunes,  mould  be  loaded 
with  taxes,  to  maintain  countries  not  only 
not  ufeful,  but  hurtful  to  them.  The  fup- 
port  of  Canada  and  Florida  coft  yearly,  it  is 
faid,  half  a  million  fterling.  From  hence  we 


84  LETTER     VIII. 

may  make  fome  guefs  of  the  load  that  is  to 
be  laid  upon  us  ;  for  we  are  not  only  to  "  de- 
"  fend,  protect,  and  fecure  "  them,  but  alfo 
to  make  "  an  adequate  provifion  for  defray- 
"  ing  the  charge  of  the  administration  of 
"  juftice  and  the  fupport  of  civil  govern 
ment,  in  fuch  provinces  where  it  (hall  be 
"  found  neceflary." 

Not  one  of  the  provinces  of  Canada,  Nova- 
Scotia,  or  Florida,  has  ever  defrayed  thefe 
expences  within  itfelf :  And  if  the  duties  im- 
pofed  by  the  laft  ftatute  are  collected,  all 
of  them  together,  according  to  the  beft  in 
formation  I  can  get,  will  not  pay  one-quar- 
Jgr  as  much  as  Pennfylvania  alone^  f  So  that 
the  Britifh  colonies  are  to  be  drained  of  the 
rewards  of  their  labour,  to  cherifh  the 
fcorching  fands  of  Florida,  and  the  icy 
rocks  of  Canada  and  Nova-Scotia,  which 
never  will  return  to  us  one  farthing  that  we 
fend  to  them. 

Great-Britain 1  mean  the  miniftry  in 

Great-Britain,  has  cantoned  Canada  and 
Florida  out  into  five  or  fix  governments, 
and  may  form  as  many  more.  She  now  has 
fourteen  or  fifteen  regiments  on  this  conti 
nent  ;  and  may  fend  over  as  many  more. 
To  make  "  an  adequate  provifion"  for  all 
thefe  expences,  is,  no  doubt,  to  be  the  inhe 
ritance  of  the  colonies. 

Can  any  man  believe  that  the  duties  upon 
paper,  &c.  are  the  laft  that  will  be  laid  for 
thefe  purposes  ?  It  is  in  vain  to  hope,  that 
becaufe  it  is  imprudent  to  lay  duties  on  the 


LETTER     VIII.  85 

exportation  of  manufactures  from  a  mother 
country  to  colonies,  as  it  may  promote  ma 
nufactures  among  them,  that  this  confidera- 
tion  will  prevent  them. 

Ambitious,  artful  men  have  made  the 
meafure  popular,  and  whatever  injuftice  or 
deftrudtion  will  attend  it  in  the  opinion  of 
the  colonifts,  at  home  it  will  be  thought 
juft  and  falutary.  * 

The  people  of  Great-Britain  will  be  told, 
and  they  have  been  told,  that  they  are  fink 
ing  under  an  immenfe  debt — that  great  part 
of  this  debt  has  been  contracted  in  defend 
ing  the  colonies — that  thefe  are  fo  ungrate 
ful  and  undutiful,  that  they  will  not  contri 
bute  one  mite  to  its  payment — nor  even  to 
the  fupport  of  the  army  now  kept  up  for 
their  "  protection  and  fecurity  " — that  they 
are  rolling  in  wealth,  and  are  of  fo  bold 
and  republican  a  fpirit,  that  they  are  aiming 
at  independence — that  the  only  way  to  re 
tain  them  in  "  obedience  "  is  to  keep  a 
ftrict  watch  over  them,  and  to  draw  off  part 
of  their  riches  in  taxes — and  that  every  bur 
den  laid  upon  them  is  taking  off  fo  much 
from  Great-Britain — Thefe  alTertions  will 
be  generally  believed,  and  the  people  will 
be  perfuaded  that  they  cannot  be  too  angry 
with  their  colonies,  as  that  anger  will  be 
profitable  to  themfelves. 

(a)  "  So  credulous,  as  well  as  obftinate,  are  the  peo 
ple  in  believing  every  thing,  which  flatters  their  pre 
vailing  paflion."  Hume's  Hift.  of  England. 


86  LETTER     VIII. 

In  truth,  Great-Britain  alone  receives  any 
benefit  from  Canada,  Nova-Scotia,  and 
Florida  ;  and  therefore  me  alone  ought  to 
maintain  them.  —  The  old  maxim  of  the  law 
is  drawn  from  reafon  and  juftice,  and  never 
could  be  more  properly  applied,  than  in  this 
cafe. 


i  f  entity    commodum,  f  entire    debet    et 


onus. 


They  who  feel  the  benefit,  ought  to  feel 
the  burden. 

A     FARMER. 


LETTER     IX 


Beloved  Countrymen, 

IH  A  V  E  made  fome  obfervations  on  the 
purpofes  for  which  money  is  to  be  levied 
upon  us  by  the  late  ad:  of  parliament.  I 
mall  now  offer  to  your  consideration  fome 
further  reflections  on  that  fubjecl: ;  and,  un- 
lefs  I  am  greatly  miftaken,  if  thefe  purpof 
es  are  accomplished,  according  to  the  ex- 
preft  intention  of  the  a6l,  they  will  be  found 
effectually  to  fuperfede  that  authority  in  our 
refpective  alfemblies,  which  is  moft  elTential 
to  liberty.  The  queftion  is  not  whether 
fome  branches  mail  be  lopt  off — The  ax  is 
laid  to  the  root  of  the  tree  ;  and  the  whole 
body  muft  infallibly  perifh,  if  we  remain  idle 
fpectators  of  the  work. 

No  free  people  ever  exifted,  or  ever  can 
exift,  without,  keeping,  to  ufe  a  common 
but  ftrong  expreffion,  "  the  purfe  firings" 
in  their  own  hands.  Where  this  is  the  cafe, 
they  have  a  constitutional  check  upon  the 
adminiftration,  which  may  thereby  be 
brought  into  order  without  violence  :  but 
where  fuch  a  power  is  not  lodged  in  the 
people,  oppremon  proceeds  uncontrouled 
in  its  career,  till  the  governed,  tranfported 


88  LETTER     IX. 

into  rage,  feeks  redrefs  in  the  midft  of  blood 
and  confufion. 

The  elegant  and  ingenious  Mr.  Hume, 
fpeaking  of  the  Anglo-Norman  government, 
fays  "  princes  and  minifters  were  too  igno- 
' '  rant  to  be  themfelves  fenfible  of  the  ad- 
* '  vantages  attending  an  equitable  admini- 
' '  ftration  ;  and  there  was  no  eftablifhed 
' '  council  or  afTembly  which  could  protect 
1 '  the  people,  and,  by  withdrawing  fup- 
' '  plies,  regularly  and  peaceably  admonifh 
* '  the  King  of  his  duty,  and  enfure  the  ex- 
'*  ecution  of  the  laws." 

Thus  this  great  man,  whofe  political  re 
flections  are  fo  much  admired,  makes  this 
power  one  of  the  foundations  of  liberty. 

The  Englifh  hiftory  abounds  with  inftan- 
ces,  proving  that  this  is  the  proper  and  fuc- 
cefsful  way  to  obtain  redrefs  of  grievances. 
How  often  have  Kings  and  minifters  endea 
voured  to  throw  off  this  legal  curb  upon 
them,  by  attempting  to  raife  money  by  a 
variety  of  inventions,  under  pretence  of  law, 
without  having  recourfe  to  parliament  ? 
And  how  often  have  they  been  brought  to 
reafon,  and  peaceably  obliged  to  do  juftice, 
by  the  exertion  of  this  conftitutional  authori 
ty  of  the  people,  vefted  in  their  reprefenta- 
tives  ? 

The  inhabitants  of  thefe  colonies  have  on 
numberlefs  occafions,  reaped  the  benefits 
of  this  authority  lodged  in  their  affemblies. 


LETTER     IX.  89 

It  has  been  for  a  long  time,  and  now  is, 
a  conftant  inftruftion  to  all  governors,  to 
obtain  a  permanent  fupport  for  the  officers 
of  government.  But  as  the  author  of  the 
admin iftration  of  the  colonies  fays,  "  this 
*  *  order  of  the  crown  is  generally,  if  not 
* '  univerfally,  rejected  by  the  legiflatures  of 
' '  the  colonies." 

They  perfectly  know  how  much  their  grie 
vances  would  be  regarded,  if  they  had  no  o- 
ther  method  of  engaging  attention,  than 
by  complaining.  Thofe  who  rule,  are  ex 
tremely  apt  to  think  well  of  the  conftrufti- 
ons  made  by  themfelves,  in  fupport  of  their 
own  power.  Thefe  are  frequently  errone 
ous  and  pernicious  to  thofe  they  govern — 
Dry  remonftrances,  to  mew  that  fuch  con- 
ftrudions  are  wrong  and  oppreffive,  carry 
very  little  weight  with  them,  in  the  opinion 
of  perfons,  who  gratify  their  own  inclinati 
ons  in  making  thefe  conftruclions.  They 
cannot  underftand  the  reafoning  that  oppofes 
their  power  and  defire  :  but  let  it  be  made 
their  intereft  to  underftand  fuch  reafoning — 
and  a  wonderful  light  is  inftantly  thrown  on 
the  matter  ;  and  then  rejected  remonftran- 
ces  become  as  clear  as  "  proof  of  holy 
"  writ."  a 

The  three  moft  important  articles,  that 
our  arTemblies,  or  any  legiflatures  can  pro 
vide  for,  are,  firft  the  defence  of  the  focie- 

(<?)  Shakefpeare. 

M 


9o  LETTER     IX. 

ty  :  fecondly — the  administration  of juftice  : 
and,  thirdly,  the  fupport  of  civil  government. 

Nothing  can  properly  regulate  the  ex- 
pence  of  making  provifion  for  thefe  occali- 
ons,  but  the  neceffities  of  the  fociety  ;  its  a- 
bilities  ;  the  conveniency  of  the  modes  of 
levying  money  among  them  ;  the  manner 
in  which  the  laws  have  been  executed  ;  and 
the  conduct  of  the  officers  of  government  ; 
all  which  are  circumftances  that  cannot  pof- 
fibly  be  properly  known,  but  by  the  fociety 
itfelf ;  or,  if  they  mould  be  known,  will 
not,  probably,  be  properly  confidered,  but 
by  that  fociety. 

If  money  may  be  raifed  upon  us,  by  o- 
thers,  without  our  confent,  for  our  "  de- 
"  fence,"  thofe  who  are  the  judges  in  levy 
ing  it,  muft  alfo  be  the  judges  in  applying 
it.  Of  confequence,  the  money  faid  to  be 
taken  from  us  for  our  defence,  may  be  em 
ployed  to  our  injury.  We  may  be  chained 
in  by  a  line  of  fortifications  :  obliged  to  pay 
for  building  and  maintaining  them  ;  and  ,be 
told  that  they  are  for  our  defence.  With  what 
face  can  we  difpute  the  facl,  after  having 
granted,  that  thofe  who  apply  the  money, 
had  a  right  to  levy  it ;  for,  furely,  it  is 
much  eafier  for  their  wifdom  to  underftand 
how  to  apply  it  in  the  beft  manner,  than 
how  to  levy  it  in  the  beft  manner.  Belides, 
the  right  of  levying  is  of  infinitely  more 
confequence,  than  that  of  applying  it.  The 
people  of  England,  that  would  burft  out  in- 


LETTER     IX.  91 

to  fury,  if  the  crown  mould  attempt  to  le 
vy  money  by  its  own  authority,  have  affign- 
ed  to  the  crown  the  application  of  money. 

As  to  "  the  adminiftration  of  jufrice" — the 
judges  ought,  in  a  well  regulated  ftate,  to 
be  equally  independant  of  the  legillative 
powers.  Thus,  in  England,  judges  hold 
their  commiiTions  from  the  crown  "  during 
"  good  behaviour  ;"  and  have  falaries,  fuit- 
able  to  their  dignity,  fettled  on  them  by 
parliament.  The  purity  of  the  courts  of 
law,  fmce  this  eftablimment,  is  a  proof  of 
the  wifdom  with  which  it  was  made. 

But,  in  thefe  colonies,  how  fruitlefs  has 
been  every  attempt  to  have  the  judges  ap 
pointed  during  good  behaviour  ;  yet  whoe 
ver  confiders  the  matter  will  foon  perceive, 
that  fuch  commiffions  are  beyond  all  com- 
parifon  more  neceflaryin  thefe  colonies,  than 
they  are  in  England. 

The  chief  danger  to  the  fubject  there,  a- 
rofe  from  the  arbitrary  defigns  of  the  crown  ; 
but  here,  the  time  may  come,  when  we 
may  have  to  contend  with  the  defigns  of  the 
crown,  and  of  a  mighty  kingdom.  What 
then  will  be  our  chance,  when  the  laws  of 
life  and  death,  are  to  be  fpoken  by  judges, 
totally  dependant  on  that  crown  and  king 
dom —  fent  over,  perhaps,  from  thence — 
filled  with  Britifh  prejudice — and  backed  by 
a  {landing  army,  fupported  out  of  our  own 
pockets,  to  "  afTert  and  maintain"  our  own 
"  dependance  and  obedience 

M  2 


92  LETTER     IX. 

But  fuppoling,  that  through  the  extreme 
lenity  that  will  prevail  in  the  government, 
through  all  future  ages,  thefe  colonies  never 
will  behold  any  thing  like  the  campaign  of 
chief  juftice  Jeffereys,  yet  what  innumerable 
a6ts  of  injuftice  may  be  committed,  and 
how  fatally  may  the  principles  of  liberty  be 
fapped  by  a  fucceffion  of  judges  utterly  in- 
dependant  of  the  people?  Before  fuch  judges, 
the  fupple  wretches,  who  cheerfully  join  in 
avowingfentimentsinconliftentwithfreedom, 
will  always  meet  with  fmiles  :  while  the  ho- 
neft  and  brave  men,  who  difdain  to  facrifice 
their  native  land  to  their  own  advantage,  but 
on  every  occafion,  boldly  vindicate  her  caufe, 
will  conftantly  be  regarded  with  frowns. 

There  are  two  other  confiderations,  re 
lating  to  this  head,  that  deferve  the  moil 
ferious  attention. 

By  the  late  a6t  the  officers  of  the  cuftoms 
are  impowered  "  to  enter  into  any  houfe, 
"  warehoufe,  mop,  cellar,  or  other  place, 
"  in  the  Britifh  colonies  or  plantations  in 
"  America,  to  fearch  for,  or  feize  prohibited 
"  or  unaccuftomed  goods,"  &c.  on  "  writs 
"  granted  by  the  inferior  or  fupreme  court 
"  of  juftice,  having  jurifdiction  within  fuch 
"  colony  or  plantation  refpectively." 

If  we  only  reflecl:  that  the  judges  of  thefe 
courts  are  to  be  during  pleafure — that  they 
are  to  have  "  adequate  provifion'  made 
for  them,  which  is  to  continue  during  their 
complifant  behaviour — that  they  may  be 


LETTER     IX.  93 

sftranger  to  thefe  colonies — what  an  engine 
of  oppreffion  may  this  authority  be  in  fuch 
hands  ? 

I  am  well  aware  that  writs  of  this  kind 
may  be  granted  at  home,  under  the  feal  of 
the  court  of  exchequer  :  But  I  know  alfo 
that  the  greateft  aiterters  of  the  rights  of 
Englimmen,have  always  ftrenuoufly  contend 
ed,  that  fuch  a  power  was  dangerous  to  free 
dom,  and  exprefsly  contrary  to  the  common 
law,  which  ever  regarded  a  man's  houfe,  as 
his  caftle,  or  a  place  of  perfect  fecurity. 

If  fuch  a  power  is  in  the  leaft  degree  dan 
gerous  there,  it  muft  be  utterly  deftrudive 
to  liberty  here. — For  the  people  there  have 
two  fecurities  againft  the  undue  exercife  of 
this  power  by  the  crown,  which  are  want 
ing  with  us,  if  the  late  ad:  takes  place.  In 
the  firft  place,  if  any  injuftice  is  done  there, 
the  perfon  injured  may  bring  his  action 
againft  the  offender,  and  have  it  tried  by 
independant  judges,  who  are  b  no  parties  in 
committing  the  injury.  Here  he  muft  have 
it  tried  before  dependant  judges,  being  the 
men  who  granted  the  writ. 

To  fay  that  the  caufe  is  to  be  tried  by  a 
jury  can  never  reconcile  men,  who  have  any 
idea  of  freedom  to  fuch  a  power. — For  we 
know,  that  (heriffs  in  almoft  every  colony 

(b)  The  writs  for  fearching  houfes  in  England  are  to 
be  granted  under  the  feal  of  the  court  of  exchequer, 
according  to  the  ftatute — and  that  feal  is  kept  by  the 
chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  4  Inft. 


94  LETTER     IX. 

on  this  continent,  are  totally  dependant  on 
the  crown  ;  and  packing  of  juries  has  been 
frequently  practifed  even  in  the  capital  of 
the  Britim  empire.  Even  if  juries  are 
well  inclined,  we  have  too  many  inftances 
of  the  influence  of  overbearing  unjuft 
judges  upon  them.  The  brave  and  wife 
men  who  accomplished  the  revolution, 
thought  the  independency  of  judges  effential 
to  freedom. 

The  other  fecurity  which  the  people  have 
at  home,  but  which  we  (hall  want  here,  is 
this. — If  this  power  is  abufed  there,  the  par 
liament,  the  grand  refource  of  the  oppreft 
people,  is  ready  to  afford  relief.  Redrefs  of 
grievances  muft  precede  grants  of  money. 
But  what  regard  can  we  expect  to  have 
paid  to  our  affemblies,  when  they  will  not 
hold  even  the  puny  privilege  of  French  par 
liaments—  —that  of  regiftering  the  edicts, 
that  take  away  our  money,  before  they  are 
put  in  execution. 

The  fecond  confideration  above  hinted  at, 
is  this — There  is  a  confufion  in  our  laws  that 
is  quite  unknown  in  Great-Britain.  As  this 
cannot  be  defcribed  in  a  more  clear  or  ex 
act  manner,  than  has  been  done  by  the  inge 
nious  author  of  the  hiftory  of  New-York,  I 
beg  leave  to  ufe  his  words.  "  The  ftate  of 
our  laws  opens  a  door  to  muchcon  troverfy. 
The  uncertainty  which  refpect  them,  ren 
ders  property  precarious,  and  greatly  expo- 
fes  us  to  the  arbitrary  decifion  of  unjuft  judg- 


LETTER     IX.  95 

es.  The  common  law  of  England  is  gene 
rally  received,  together  with  fuch  ftatutes, 
as  were  enacted  before  we  had  a  legiilature 
of  our  own  ;  but  our  courts  exercife  a  fove- 
reign  authority,  in  determining  what  parts 
of  the  common  and  ftatute  law  ought  to  be 
extended  :  For  it  muft  be  admitted,  that  the 
difference  of  circumftances  necerlarily  requires 
us,  in  fome  cases,  to  reject  the  determinati 
on  of  both.  In  many  instances  they  have  al- 
fo  extended  even  acts  of  parliament,  pafTed 
fince  we  had  a  diftinct  legiflature,  which  is 
greatly  adding  to  our  confufion.  The  prac 
tice  of  our  courts  is  no  lefs  uncertain  than 
the  law.  Some  of  the  Englifh  rules  are  a- 
dopted,  others  rejected.  Two  things  there 
fore  feem  to  be  abfolutely  necelTary  for  the 
public  fecurity.  Firft  the  paffing  an  act  for 
Settling  the  extent  of  the  Englim  laws.  Se 
condly,  that  the  courts  ordain  a  general  fet 
of  rules  for  the  regulation  of  the  practice." 
How  eafy  will  it  be  under  this  "  ftate  of 
"  our  laws"  for  an  artful  judge  to  act  in 
the  moft  arbitrary  manner,  and  yet  cover  his 
conduct  under  fpecious  pretences,  and  how 
difficult  will  it  be  for  the  injured  people  to 
obtain  redrefs,  may  be  readily  perceived.  We 
may  take  a  voyage  of  three  thoufand  miles 
to  complain  ;  and  after  the  trouble  and  ha 
zard  we  have  undergone,  we  may  be  told, 
that  the  collection  of  the  revenue  and  main 
tenance  of  the  prerogative,  muft  not  be  dif- 
couraged. And  if  the  misbehaviour  is  fo 


96  LETTER     IX. 

grofs  as  to  admit  of  no  juftification,  it  may 
be  faid  that  it  was  an  error  in  judgment  on 
ly,  arifing  from  the  confufion  of  our  laws, 
and  the  zeal  of  the  King's  fervants  to  do 
their  duty. 

If  the  commimons  of  judges  are  during 
the  pleafure  of  the  crown,  yet  if  their  fala- 
ries  are  during  the  pleasure  of  the  people, 
there  will  be  fome  check  upon  their  conduct. 
Few  men  will  confent  to  draw  on  themfelves 
the  hatred  and  contempt  of  those  among 
whom  we  live,  for  the  empty  honour  of 
being  judges.  It  is  the  fordid  love  of 
gain  that  tempts  men  to  turn  their  backs  on 
virtue,  and  pay  their  homage  where  they 
ought  not. 

As  to  the  third  particular,  the  "  fupport 
"of  civil  government,"  few  words  will  be 
fufficient.  Every  man  of  the  leaft  under- 
ftanding  muft  know,  that  the  executive  power 
may  be  exercifed  in  a  manner  fo  difagreeable 
and  haraffing  to  the  people,  that  it  is  abfol- 
utely  requifite,  they  mould  be  enabled  by  the 
gentlefl  method  which  human  policy  has  yet 
been  ingenious  enough  to  invent,  that  is  by 
the  fhutting  their  hands,  to  "admonifh" 
(as  Mr.  Hume  fays)  certain  perfons  "  of 
"  their  duty." 

What  mall  we  now  think,  when,  upon 
looking  into  the  late  a<£l,  we  find  the  arTem- 
blies  of  thefe  provinces  thereby  ftript  of  their 
authority  on  thefe  feveral  heads  ?  The  de 
clared  intention  of  that  acT:  is,  "  that  a  reve- 


LETTER     IX.  97 

nue  mould  be  raifed  in  his  Majefty's  domini 
ons  in  America,  for  making  a  more  certain 
and  adequate  provifion  for  defraying  the 
charge  of  the  administration  of  juftice,  and 
the  fupport  of  civil  government,  in  fuch  pro 
vinces  where  it  (hall  be  found  neceflary  ;  and 
towards  further  defraying  the  expences  of 
defending,  protecting,  and  fecuring  the  faid 
dominions,"  &c. 

Let  the  reader  paufe  here  one  moment, 
and  reflect — whether  the  colony  in  which  he 
lives,  has  not  made  fuch  "  certain  and  ade- 
"  quate  provifions"  for  thefe  purpofes,  as 
is  by  the  colony  judged  fuitable  to  its  abili 
ties,  and  all  other  circumstances.  Then  let 
him  reflect — whether,  if  this  act  takes  place, 
money  is  not  to  be  raifed  on  that  colony 
without  its  confent  to  make  provifion  for 
thefe  purpofes,  which  it  does  not  judge  to 
be  fuitable  to  its  abilities,  and  all  other  cir- 
cumftances.  Laftly,  let  him  reflect — whe 
ther  the  people  of  that  country  are  not  in 
a  ftate  of  the  moft  abject  flavery,  whofe 
property  may  be  taken  from  them  under  the 
notion  of  right,  when  they  have  refufed  to 
give  it.  For  my  part,  I  think  I  have  good 
reafon  for  vindicating  the  honour  of  the  af- 
femblies  on  this  continent,  by  publicly  aflert- 
ing,  that  they  have  made  as  "  certain  and 
"adequate  provifion"  for  the  purpofes  a- 
bove-mentioned,  as  they  ought  to  have 
made ;  and  that  it  mould  not  be  prefumed, 
that  they  will  not  do  it  hereafter.  Why  then 

N 


98  LETTER     IX. 

mould  thefe  moft  important  truths  be 
wrefted  out  of  their  hands  ?  Why  fhould 
they  not  now  be  permitted  to  enjoy  that 
authority,  which  they  have  exercifed  from 
the  firft  fettlement  of  thefe  colonies  ?  Why 
mould  they  be  fcandalized  by  this  innovati 
on,  when  their  refpeclive  provinces  are  now, 
and  will  be  for  feveral  years,  labouring  un 
der  loads  of  debts  impofed  on  them  for  the 
very  purpofes  now  fpoken  of  ?  Why  fhould 
the  inhabitants  of  all  thefe  colonies  be  with 
the  utmoft  indignity  treated,  as  a  herd  of 
defpicable  wretches,  fo  utterly  void  of  com 
mon  fenfe,  that  they  will  not  even  make 
"  adequate  proviiion"  for  the  "  admini- 
"  ftration  of  juftice"  and  "  the  fupport  of 
"  civil  government"  among  them,  for  their 
"  own  defence" — though  without  fuch 
"  provifion"  every  people  muft  inevitably 
be  overwhelmed  with  anarchy  and  deftrucli- 
on  ?  Is  it  poffible  to  form  an  idea  of  flavery 
more  complete,  more  miferable,  more  dif- 
graceful,  than  that  of  a  people,  where  juf 
tice  is  adminiftered,  government  exercifed, 
and  a  ftanding  army  maintained,  at  the  ex- 
pence  of  the  people,  and  yet  without  the 
leaft  dependance  upon  them  ?  If  we  can  find 
no  relief  from  this  infamous  fituation,  let 
Mr.  Grenville  fet  his  fertile  fancy  again  to 
work,  and  as  by  one  exertion  of  it,  he  has 
ftripped  us  of  our  property  and  liberty,  let 
him  by  another  deprive  us  of  our  underftand- 
ing  too,  that  unconfcious  of  what  we  have 


LETTER     IX.  99 

been  or  are,  and  ungoaded  by  tormenting 
reflections,  we  may  tamely  bow  down  our 
necks  with  all  the  ftupid  ferenity  of  fervitude, 
to  any  drudgery,  which  our  lords  and  ma- 
fters  may  pleafe  to  command. — 

When  the  "  charges  of  the  adminiftration 
of  juftice," — "  the  fupport  of  civil  govern 
ment ;" — and  "  the  expences  of  defending 
"  protecting  and  fecuring"  us,  are  provid 
ed  for,  I  mould  be  glad  to  know  upon  what 
occafion  the  crown  will  ever  call  our  arTem- 
blies  together.  Some  few  of  them  may 
meet  of  their  own  accord,  by  virtue  of  their 
charters  :  But  what  will  they  have  to  do 
when  they  are  met  ?  To  what  fhadows  will 
they  be  reduced  ?  The  men,  whofe  delibera 
tions  heretofore  had  an  influence  on  every 
matter  relating  to  the  liberty  and  happinefs 
of  themfelves  and  their  conftituents,  and 
whofe  authority  in  domeftic  affairs,  at  leaft, 
might  well  be  compared  to  that  of  Roman 
fenators,  will  now  find  their  deliberations  of 
no  more  confequence  than  thofe  of  confta- 
bles. — They  may  perhaps  be  allowed  to 
make  laws  for  yoking  of  hogs,  or  pounding 
of  ftray  cattle.  Their  influence  will  hardly 
be  permitted  to  extend  fo  high  as  the  keep 
ing  roads  in  repair,  as  that  bufinefs  may  more 
properly  be  executed  by  thofe  who  receive 
the  public  cam. 

One  moft  memorable  example  in   hiftory 
is  fo  applicable  to  the  point  now  infifted  on, 


ioo  LETTER     IX. 

that  it  will  form  a  juft  conclufion  of  the  ob- 
fervations  that  have  been  made. 

Spain  was  once  free.  Their  Cortes  refem- 
bled  our  parliament.  No  money  could  be 
raifed  on  the  fubject,  without  their  confent. 
One  of  their  Kings  having  received  a  grant 
from  them  to  maintain  a  war  againft  the 
Moors,  defired,  that  if  the  fum  which  they 
had  given,  mould  not  be  fufficient,  he 
might  be  allowed  for  that  emergency  only, 
to  have  more  money,  without  aflembling  the 
Cortes.  The  requeft  was  violently  oppofed 
by  the  beft  and  wifeft  men  in  the  afTembly. 
It  was  however,  complied  with  by  the  votes 
of  a  majority  ;  and  this  fingle  conceffion 
was  a  precedent  for  other  conceffions  of  the 
like  kinds,  until,  at  laft,  the  crown  obtained 
a  general  power  for  railing  money  in  cafes 
of  neceflity.  From  that  period  the  Cortes 
ceafed  to  be  ufeful,  and  the  people  ceafed  to 
be  free. 

Venienti  occurrite  morbo. 

Oppofe  a  difeafe  at  its  beginning. — 

A     FARMER. 


LETTER     X 


THE  confequences,  mentioned  in  the  laft 
letter,  will  not  be  the  utmoft  limits  of 
our  mifery  and  infamy.  We  feel  too  fenfibly 
that  any  a  minifterial  meafures,  relating  to 
thefe  colonies,  are  foon  carried  fuccefsfully 
thro'  the  parliament.  Certain  prejudices  o- 
perate  there  fo  ftrongly  againli  us,  that  it 
might  juftly  be  queftioned,  whether  all  the 
provinces  united,  will  ever  be  able  effectually 
to  call  to  an  account,  before  the  parliament, 
any  minifter  who  mall  abufe  the  power  by 
the  late  ad:  given  to  the  crown  in  America. 
He  may  divide  the  fpoils  torn  from  us,  in 
what  manner  he  pleafes  ;  and  we  mall  have 
no  way  of  making  him  refponlible.  If  he 
mould  order,  that  every  Governor,  mould 
have  a  yearly  falary  of  5ooo/.  fterling,  eve 
ry  chief  juftice  of  30007.  every  inferior  offi- 

(#)  The  gentleman  muft  not  wonder  he  was  not  con 
tradicted,  when,  as  the  minifter,  he  aflerted  the  right  of 
parliament  to  tax  America.  I  know  not  how  it  is,  but 
there  is  a  modefty  in  this  houfe,  which  does  not  chufe  to 
contradict  a  minifter.  I  wifti  gentlemen  would  get  the 
better  of  that  modefty.  If  they  do  not,  perhaps  the 
collective  body  may  begin  to  abate  of  its  refpect  for  the 
reprefentative.  Mr.  Pitt's  fpeech. 


102  L  ETT  E  R     X. 

cer  in  proportion ;  and  fhould  then  reward 
the  moft  profligate,  ignorant,  or  needy  de 
pendants  on  himfelf,  or  his  friends  with  pla 
ces  of  the  greateft  truft  becaufe  they  were 
of  the  greateft  profit,  this  would  be  called 
an  arrangement  in  confequence  of  the  "  a- 
"  dequate  provifion  for  defraying  the  charge 
"  of  the  administration  ofjuftice,  and  the  fup- 
"  port  of  the  civil  government."  And  if  the 
taxes  fhould  prove  at  any  time  infufficient  to 
anfwer  all  the  expences  of  the  numberlefs 
offices,  which  minifters  may  pleafe  to  create, 
furely  the  houfe  of  Commons  would  be  too 
"  modeft"  to  contradict  a  minifter  who  mould 
tell  them,  it  was  become  neceflary  to  lay  a 
new  tax  upon  the  colonies,  for  the  laudable 
purpofe  of  "  defraying  the  charges  of  the 
"  adminiftration  ofjuftice,  and  the  fupport 
"of  civil  government"  among  them.  Thus 
in  fact  we  mall  be  taxed  by  minifters.  b 

We  may  perceive,  from  the  example  of 
Ireland,  how  eager  minifters  are  to  feize  up 
on  any  fettled  revenue,  and  apply  it  in  fup- 
porting  their  own  power.—  -Happy  are  the 
men,  and  happy  are  the  people,  who  grow 
wife  by  the  misfortune  of  others.  Earneft- 
ly,  my  dear  countrymen,  do  I  befeech  the 
author  of  all  good  gifts,  that  you  may  grow 
wife  in  this  manner  :  And,  if  I  may  be  al- 

(£)  u  Within  this  a 61,  (Jlatute  de  tallagio  non  concedendo) 
are  all  new  offices  erected  with  new  fees,  or  old  offices 
with  new  fees,  for  that  is  a  tallage  put  upon  the  fub- 
je&,  which  cannot  be  done  without  common  aflent  by 
a&  of  parliament."  2  Inft.  533. 


L  ETTE  R     X.  103 

lowed  to  take  the  liberty,  I  beg  leave  to  re 
commend  to  you  in  general,  as  the  beft  me 
thod  of  obtaining  wifdom,  diligently  to  ftu- 
dy  the  hiftories  of  other  countries.  You  will 
there  find  all  the  arts,  that  can  poffibly  be 
practiced  by  cunning  rulers,  or  falfe  patri 
ots  among  yourfelves,  fo  fully  delineated, 
that  changing  names,  the  account  would 
ferve  for  your  own  times. 

It  is  pretty  well  known  on  this  continent, 
that  Ireland  has,  with  a  regular  confidence 
of  injufKce,  been  cruelly  treated  by  minifters 
in  the  article  of  penfions  ;  but  there  are 
fome  alarming  circumftances  relating  to  that 
fubject,  which  I  wilh  to  have  better  known 
among  us. 

c  The  revenue  of  the  crown  there,  arifes 
principally  from  the  excife  granted  "  for 
"  pay  of  the  army,  and  defraying  other 
"  public  charges  in  defence  and  prefervation 
"  of  the  kingdom  " — from  the  tonnage  and 
additional  poundage  granted  "  for  prote6t- 
"  ing  the  trade  of  the  kingdom  at  fea,  and 
"  augmenting  the  public  revenue"  from  the 
hearth-money  granted,  as  a  "  public  re- 
"  venue  for  public  charges  and  expences." 
There  are  fome  other  branches  of  the  reve 
nue,  concerning  which  there  is  not  any  ex- 
prefs  appropriation  of  them  for  public  fer- 
vice,  but  which  were  plainly  fo  intended. 

(V)  "  An  enquiry  into  the  legality  of  the  penfions  on 
the  Irifh  eftablishment,  by  Alexander  M'Auley,  Efq  ;  one 
of  the  King's  Council,  &c. 


io4  LETTER     X. 

Of  thefe  branches  of  the  revenue,  the 
crown  is  only  a  truftee  for  the  public.  They 
are  unalienable ;  they  are  inapplicable  to 
any  other  purpofes,  but  thofe  for  which 
they  were  eftablifhed ;  and  therefore  are  not 
legally  chargeable  with  penfions. 

There  is  another  kind  of  revenue,  which 
is  a  private  revenue.  This  is  not  limited  to 
any  public  ufes  ;  but  the  crown  has  the  fame 
property  in  it,  that  any  perfon  has  in  his 
eftate.  This  does  not  amount  at  the  moft 
to  fifteen  thoufand  pounds  a  year,  probably 
not  to  feven  ;  and  it  is  the  only  revenue  that 
can  legally  be  charged  with  penfions.  If  mini- 
fters  were  accuftomed  to  regard  the  rights 
or  happinefs  of  the  people,  the  penfions  in 
Ireland  would  not  exceed  the  fum  juft  menti 
oned  :  but  long  fince  have  they  exceeded 
that  limit,  and  in  December,  1765,  a  moti 
on  was  made  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in 
that  kingdom,  to  addrefs  his  Majefty,  on 
the  great  increafe  of  penfions  on  the  Irifh 
eftablimment,  amounting  to  the  fum  of 
j£.  158,685  in  the  laft  two  years. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  glofs  over 
thefe  grofs  incroachments,  by  this  fpecious 
argument, — "That  expending  a  competent 
"  part  of  the  public  revenue  in  penfions, 
"  from  a  principle  of  charity  or  generofity, 
"  adds  to  the  dignity  of  the  crown,  and  is, 
"  therefore,  ufeful  to  the  public."  To  give 
this  argument  any  weight,  it  muft  appear 
that  the  penfions  proceed  from  "charity 


LETTER     X.  105 

"  or  generofity  "  only — And  that  it  "  adds 
"  to  the  dignity  of  the  crown  '''  to  ad:  di- 
redly  contrary  to  law. 

From  this  conduct  towards  Ireland,  in 
open  violation  of  law,  we  may  eafily  fore- 
fee  what  we  may  exped,  when  a  minifter 
will  have  the  whole  revenue  of  America, 
in  his  own  hands,  to  be  difpofed  of  at  his 
own  pleafure.  For  all  the  monies  raifed  by 
the  late  ad:  are  to  be  "  applied,  by  virtue 
"  of  warrants  under  the  fign  manual,  coun- 
"  terfigned  by  the  high  treafurer,  or  any 
"  three  of  the  commiffioners  of  the  trea- 
"  fury/'  The  "  refidue  "  indeed,  is  to  be 
paid  "  into  the  receipt  of  the  exchequer, 
"  and  to  be  difpofed  of  by  parliament." 
So  that  a  minifter  will  have  nothing  to  do 
but  to  take  care  that  there  mall  be  no  "  re- 
"  fidue,"  and  he  is  fuperior  to  all  controul. 

Befides  the  burden  of  penfions  in  Ireland, 
which  have  enormouily  encreafed  within 
thefe  few  years,  almoft  all  the  offices,  in 
that  poor  kingdom,  have,  fince  the  com 
mencement  of  the  prefent  century,  and  now 
are  beftowed  upon  ftrangers.  For  though 
the  merit  of  thofe  born  there  juftly  raifes 
them  to  places  of  high  truft,  when  they  go 
abroad,  as  all  Europe  can  witnefs,  yet  he 
is  an  uncommonly  lucky  Irifhman,  who  can 
get  a  good  poft  in  his  native  country. 


O 


io6  LETTER     X. 

When  I  confider  the  d  manner  in  which 
that  ifland  has  been  uniformly  depreiTed  for  fo 
many  years  paft,  with  this  pernicious  parti- 

(d)  In  Charles  II's  time,  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  in 
fluenced  by  ibme  factious  demagogues,  were  refolved  to 
prohibit  the  importation  of  Irifti  cattle  into  England. 
Among  other  arguments  in  favour  of  Ireland,  it  was  in- 
fifted  "  That  by  cutting  off  almoft  entirely  the  trade 
between  the  kingdoms,  all  the  natural  bands  of  union 
were  diflblved,  and  nothing  remained  to  keep  the  Irifti 
in  their  duty,  but  force  and  violence. 

"  The  King  (fays  Mr.  Hume  in  his  Hiftory  of  England) 
"  was  fo  convinced  of  the  juftice  of  thefe  reafons,  that 
"  he  ufed  all  his  intereft  to  oppofe  the  bill,  and  he  o- 
"  penly  declared,  that  he  could  not  give  his  affent  to  it 
"  with  a  fafe  confcience.  But  the  Commons  were  refo- 
"  lute  in  their  purpofe.  And  the  fpirit  of  tyranny,  of 
"  which  nations  are  as  fufceptible  as  individuals,  had 
u  animated  the  Englifti  extremely  to  exert  their  fuperi- 
"  ority  over  their  dependant  ftate.  No  affair  could  be 
"  conducted  with  greater  violence  that  this,  by  the 
"  Commons.  They  even  went  fo  far  in  the  preamble 
"  of  the  bill,  as  to  declare  the  importation  of  Irifti  cat- 
"  tie  to  be  a  nuifance.  By  this  expreflion  they  gave 
"  fcope  to  their  paflion,  and  at  the  fame  time,  barred 
"  the  King's  prerogative,  by  which  he  might  think  him- 
"  felf  intitled  to  difpenfe  with  a  law  fo  full  of  injuftice 
"  and  bad  policy.  The  lords  expunged  the  word,  but 
"  as  the  King  was  fenfible  that  no  fupply  would  be  giv- 
"  en  by  the  Commons,  unlefs  they  were  gratified  in  all 
"  their  prejudices,  he  was  obliged  both  to  employ  his 
"  intereft  with  the  Peers  to  make  the  bill  pafs,  and  to 
"  give  the  Royal  affent  to  it.  He  could  not  however  for- 
"  bear  expreffing  his  difpleafure,  at  the  jealoufy  enter- 
"  tained  againft  him,  and  at  the  intention  which  the 
"  Commons  difcovered  of  retrenching  his  prerogative." 

This  law  brought  great  diftrefs  for  fometime  upon  Ire 
land,  but  it  occasioned  their  applying  with  great  induf- 
try  to  manufactures,  and  has  proved,  in  the  iffue,  bene 
ficial  to  that  kingdom. 

Perhaps  the  fame  reafon  occafioned  the  "  barring  the 
"  King's  prerogative  "  in  the  late  a&  fufpending  the  le- 
giflation  of  New- York. 


LETTER     X.  107 

cularity  of  their  parliament  continuing  c  as 
long  as  the  crown  pleafes,  I  am  aftonimed 
to  obferve  fuch  a  love  of  liberty  ftill  animat 
ing  that  loyal  and  generous  nation ;  and 
nothing  can  raife  higher  my  idea  of  the 
integrity  and  public  fpirit  of  the  people f 

This  we  may  be  allured  of,  that  we  are  as  dear  to  his 
Majefty,  as  the  people  of  Great-Britain  are.  We  are  his 
fubje&s  as  well  as  they,  and  as  faithful  fubje<Sts ;  and 
his  Majefty  has  given  too  many,  too  conftant  proofs  of  his 
piety  and  virtue,  for  any  man,  to  think  it  poffible,  that 
fuch  a  Prince  can  make  any  unjuft  diftin£tion  between 
fuch  fubje&s.  It  makes  no  difference  to  his  Majefty, 
whether  fupplies  are  raifed  in  Great-Britain,  or  Ameri 
ca  :  but  it  makes  fome  difference,  to  the  Commons  of 
that  kingdom. 

To  fpeak  plainly  as  becomes  an  honeft  man  on  fuch 
important  occafions,  all  our  misfortunes  are  owing  to  a 
luft  of  power  in  men  of  abilities  and  influence.  This 
prompts  them  to  feek  popularity,  by  expedients  profita 
ble  to  themfelves,  though  ever  fo  deftructive  to  their 
country. 

Such  is  the  accurfed  nature  of  lawlefs  ambition,  and 
yet — what  heart  but  melts  at  the  thought  ? — Such  falfe 
deteftable  patriots  in  every  nation  have  led  their  blind 
confiding  country,  fhouting  their  applaufes,  into  the 
jaws  of  fhame  and  ruin.  May  the  wifdom  and  goodnefs 
of  the  people  of  Great-Britain,  fave  them  from  the  ufu- 
al  fate  of  nations. 

(e)  The  laft  Irifh  parliament  continued  thirty-three 
years,  that  is  during  all  the  late  reign.  The  prefent 
parliament  there,  has  continued  from  the  beginning  of 
this  reign ;  and  probably  will  continue  to  the  end. 

(/")  I  am  informed,  that  within  thefe  few  years,  a  pe 
tition  was  prefented  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in  Great- 
Britain,  fetting  forth,  "  that  herrings  were  imported 
"  into  Ireland,  from  fome  foreign  parts  of  the  north  fo 
"  cheap,  as  to  difcourage  the  Britifti  herring  fifhery, 
"  and  therefore  praying,  that  fome  remedy  might  be 
"  applied  in  that  behalf  by  parliament  " — "  That,  upon 
u  this  petition,  the  Houfe  refolved  to  impofe  a  duty  of 
"  two  (hillings  fterling  on  every  barrel  of  foreign  her- 


io8  LETTE  R     X  . 

who  have  preferved  the  facred  fire  of  free 
dom  from  being  extinguiihed  though  the 
altar,  on  which  it  burned,  has  been  thrown 
down. 


In  the  fame  manner  mall  we  unqueftion- 
ably  be  treated,  as  foon  as  the  late  taxes, 
laid  upon  us,  (hall  make  pofts  in  the  "  go- 
"  vernment,"  and  the  "  adminiftration  of 
"juftice,  here,  worth  the  attention  of  per- 
fons  of  influence  in  Great  Britain.  We  know 
enough  already  to  satisfy  us  of  this  truth. 
But  this  will  not  be  the  worfl  part  of  our 
cafe. 

The  principals  in  all  great  offices  will  re- 
fide  in  England,  make  fome  paltry  allowance 
to  deputies  for  doing  the  buimefs  here. 
Let  any  man  confider  what  an  exhaufting 
drain  this  muft  be  upon  us,  when  minifters 
are  poflefTed  of  the  power  of  affixing  what 

"  rings  imported  into  Ireland,  but  afterwards  dropt  the 
41  affair,  for  fear  of  engaging  in  a  difpute  with  Ireland 
"  about  the  right  of  taxing  her." 

So  much  higher  was  the  opinion,  which  the  Houfe 
entertained  of  the  fpirit  of  Ireland,  than  of  that  of  thefe 
colonies. 

I  find  in  the  laft  Englifh  papers,  that  the  refolution 
and  firmnefs  with  which  the  people  of  that  kingdom 
have  lately  afTerted  their  freedom,  have  been  fo  alarm 
ing  in  Great-Britain,  that  the  Lord  Lieutenant  in  his 
fpeech  on  the  20th  of  laft  October,  "  recommended  "  to 
the  parliament,  "  that  fuch  provifion  may  be  made  for 
"  fecuring  the  judges  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  offices 
u  and  appointments  during  their  good  behaviour,  as 
"  (hall  be  thought  moft  expedient." 

What  an  important  conceffion  is  thus  obtained  by 
making  demands  becoming  freemen,  with  a  courage 
and  perfeverance  becoming  freemen. 


LETTER     X.  109 

falaries  they  pleafe  to  ports,  and  he  muft  be 
convinced  how  deftructive  the  late  ad:  muft 
be.  The  injured  kingdom,  lately  mention 
ed,  can  tell  us  the  mifchiefs  of  abfentees ; 
and  we  may  perceive  already  the  fame  dif- 
pofition  taking  place  with  us.  The  govern 
ment  of  New  York  has  been  exercifed  by 
a  deputy.  That  of  Virginia  is  now  held 
fo  ;  and  we  know  of  a  number  of  fecre- 
taryfhips,  collectorships,  and  other  offices 
held  in  the  fame  manner. 

True  it  is,  that  if  the  people  of  Great- 
Britain  were  not  too  much  blinded  by  the 
paffions,  that  have  been  artfully  excited  in 
their  breafts,  againft  their  dutiful  children, 
the  colonifts,  thefe  confiderations  would  be 
nearly  as  alarming  to  them  as  to  us.  The 
influence  of  the  crown  was  thought,  by  wife 
men  many  years  ago,  too  great,  by  reafon 
of  the  multitude  of  penfions  and  places  be- 
ftowed  by  it ;  thefe  have  vaftly  increafed 
fince  g  and  perhaps  it  would  be  no  difficult 

(g)  One  of  the  reafons  urged  by  that  great  and  ho- 
neft  ftatesman,  Sir  William  Temple,  to  Charles  II.  in 
his  famous  remonftrance  to  difluade  him  from  aiming  at 
arbitrary  power,  was,  the  "  King  had  few  offices  to  be- 
"  flow."  Hume's  Hift.  of  England. 

"  Though  the  wings  of  prerogative  have  been  clipt, 
"  the  influence  of  the  crown  is  greater  than  ever  it  was 
"  in  any  period  of  our  hiftory.  For  when  we  confider 
"  in  how  many  burroughs  the  government  has  the  voters 
"  at  command,  when  we  confider  the  vaft  body  of  per- 
u  fons  employed  in  the  collection  of  the  revenue  in  e- 
u  very  part  of  the  kingdom,  the  inconceivable  num- 
"  ber  of  placemen,  and  candidates  for  places  in  the 


no  L  ETT  E  R     X  . 

matter  to  prove  that  the  people  have  de- 
creafed. 

Surely,  therefore,  thofe  who  wim  the  wel 
fare  of  their  country,  ought  feriously  to  re- 
fled:  what  may  be  the  confequence  of  fuch  a 
new  creation  of  offices,  in  the  difpofal  of  the 
crown.  The  army,  the  adminiftration  of 
juftice,  and  the  civil  government  here,  with 
fuch  falaries  as  the  crown  mail  pleafe  to  an 
nex,  will  extend  minifterial  influence,  as 
much  beyond  its  former  bounds,  as  the  late 
war  did  the  Britifh  dominions. 

But  whatever  the  people  of  Great-Britain 
may  think  on  this  occafion,  I  hope  the  peo 
ple  of  thefe  colonies  will  unanimoufly  join  in 
this  fentiment,  that  the  late  ad:  of  parlia 
ment  is  injurious  to  their  liberty  ;  and  that 
this  fentiment  will  unite  them  in  a  firm  op- 

"  cuftoms,  in  the  excife,  in  the  poft-office,  in  the 
11  dock-yards,  in  the  ordnance,  in  the  falt-office,  in 
"  the  ftamps,  in  the  navy  and  victualling  offices, 
"  and  in  a  variety  of  other  departments ;  when  we 
"  confider  again  the  extenfive  influence  of  the  mo- 
"  ney  corporations,  fubfcription  jobbers,  and  contractors: 
"  the  endlefs  dependance  created  by  the  obligations 
"  conferred  on  the  bulk  of  the  gentlemen's  families 
"  throughout  the  kingdom,  who  have  relations  preferred 
"  in  our  navy  and  numerous  ftanding  army  ;  when,  I 
"  fay,  we  confider  how  wide,  how  binding,  a  depen- 
"  dance  on  the  crown  is  created  by  the  above  enume- 
"  rated  particulars ;  and  the  great,  the  enormous 
"  weight  and  influence  which  the  crown  derives  from 
"  this  extenfive  dependance  upon  its  favour  and  power  ; 
"  any  lord  in  waiting,  any  lord  of  the  bedchamber,  a- 
"  ny  man  may  be  appointed  minifter." 

"  A  do&rine  to  this  effect  is  faid  to  have  been  the  ad- 
"  vice  of  L H "  Late  News  papers. 


LETTER     X.  in 

petition  to  it,  in  the  fame  manner  as  the 
dread  of  the  Stamp-aft  did. 

Some  perfons  may  imagine  the  fums  to  be 
raifed  by  it,  are  but  fmall,  and  therefore 
may  be  inclined  to  acquiefce  under  it.  A 
conduct  more  dangerous  to  freedom,  as  be 
fore  has  been  obferved,  can  never  be  adopt 
ed.  Nothing  is  wanted  at  home  but  a  pre 
cedent,  the  force  of  which  mail  be  eftablim- 
ed,  by  the  tacit  fubmiffion  of  the  colonies. 
With  what  zeal  was  the  ftatute  erecting  the 
poft-office,  and  another  relating  to  the  reco 
very  of  debts  in  America,  urged  and  tortur 
ed,  as  precedents  in  thefupport  of  the  Stamp- 
acl,  though  wholly  inapplicable.  If  the  par 
liament  fucceeds  in  this  attempt,  other  fta- 
tutes  will  impofe  other  duties.  Inftead  of 
taxing  ourfelves  as  we  have  been  accuftomed 
to  do  from  the  firft  fettlement  of  thefe  pro 
vinces  ;  all  our  ufeful  taxes  will  be  convert 
ed  into  parliamentary  taxes  on  our  importa 
tions  ;  and  thus  the  parliament  will  levy  up 
on  us  fuch  fums  of  money  as  they  chufe  to 
take,  without  any  other  limitation  than  their 
pleafure. 

We  know  how  much  labour  and  care 
have  been  beftowed  by  thefe  colonies,  in  lay 
ing  taxes  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  they  mould 
be  moft  eafy  to  the  people,  by  being  laid  on 
the  proper  articles  ;  mofl  equal,  by  being 
proportioned  to  every  man's  circumftances ; 
and  cheaper!  by  the  method  directed  for 
collecting  them. 


ii2  LETTER     X. 

But  parliamentary  taxes  will  be  laid  on  us 
without  any  confideration,  whether  there  is 
any  easfier  mode.  The  only  point  regarded 
will  be,  the  certainty  of  levying  the  taxes, 
and  not  the  convenience  of  the  people,  on 
whom  they  are  to  be  levied,  and  therefore 
all  ftatutes  on  this  head  will  be  fuch  as  will 
be  moft  likely,  according  to  the  favourite 
phrafe,  "to  execute  themfelves." 

Taxes  in  every  free  ftate  have  been,  and 
ought  to  be  as  exactly  proportioned,  as  is 
poffible,  to  the  abilities  of  thofe  who  are  to 
pay  them.  They  cannot  otherwife  be  juft. 
Even  a  Hottentot  could  comprehend  the  un- 
reafonablenefs,  of  making  a  poor  man  pay  as 
much  for  defending  the  property  of  a  rich 
man,  as  the  rich  man  pays  himfelf. 

Let  any  perfon  look  into  the  late  aft  of 
parliament,  and  he  will  immediately  perceive, 
that  the  immenfe  eftates  of  Lord  Fairfax, 
Lord  Baltimore,11  and  our  proprietors,  which 
are  amongft  "  his  Majefty's  other  domini- 
"  ons  "to  be  "  defended,  protected  and  fe- 
"  cured  "  by  that  ad:  will  not  pay  a  fingle 
farthing  of  the  duties  thereby  impofed,  ex 
cept  Lord  Fairfax  wants  fome  of  his  win 
dows  glazed.  Lord  Baltimore,  and  our  pro- 

(h)  The  people  of  Maryland  and  Pennfylvania  have 
been  engaged  in  the  warmeft  difputes,  in  order  to  ob 
tain  an  equal  and  juft  taxation  of  their  proprietors  e- 
ftates  ;  but  the  late  adl  does  more  for  thefe  proprietors 
than  they  themfelves  would  venture  to  demand.  It  to 
tally  exempts  them  from  taxation. 


L  ETT  E  R     X.  113 

prietors  are  quite  fecure,  as  they  live  in 
England. 

I  mention  thefe  particular  cafes  as  ftrik- 
ing  inftances,  how  far  the  late  act  is  a  devi 
ation  from  that  principle  of  juftice,  which  has 
fo  constantly  diftinguifhed  our  own  laws  on 
this  continent. 

THe  third  confideration  with  our  conti 
nental  affemblies  in  laying  taxes  has  been 
the  method  of  collecting  them.  This  has 
been  done  by  a  few  officers  under  the  infpec- 
tion  of  the  refpective  afTemblies,  with  mode 
rate  allowances.  No  more  was  raifed  from 
the  fubject,  than  was  ufed  for  the  intended 
purpofes.  But  by  the  late  act,  a  minifter 
may  appoint  as  many  officers  as  he  pleafes 
for  collecting  the  taxes;  may  affign  them 
what  falaries  he  thinks  "adequate  "  and 
they  are  to  be  fubject  to  no  inspection  but 
his  own. 

In  fhort,  if  the  late  act  of  parliament 
takes  effect,  thefe  colonies  muft  dwindle  down 
into  "  common  corporations,"  as  their  e- 
nemies  in  the  debates  concerning  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp-act,  ftrenuously  infifted  they 
were:  and  it  is  not  improbable,  that  fome 
future  hiftorians  will  thus  record  our  fall. 

"  The  eighth  year  of  this  reign  was  dif- 
tinguifhed  by  a  very  memorable  event,  the 
American  colonies  then  fubmitting  for  the 
firft  time,  to  be  taxed  by  the  Britifh  parlia 
ment.  An  attempt  of  this  kind  had  been 
made  two  years  before,  but  was  defeated  by 

P 


H4  LETTER     X  . 

the  vigorous  exertions  of  the  feveral  provinces 
in  defence  of  their  liberties.  Their  behavi 
our  on  that  occafion  rendered  their  name 
very  celebrated  for  a  fhort  time  all  over  Eu 
rope  ;  all  ftates  being  extremely  attentive 
to  a  difpute  between  Great-Britain  and  fo 
confiderable  a  part  of  her  dominions.  For 
as  (he  was  thought  to  be  grown  too  power 
ful  by  the  fuccefsful  concluiion  of  the  late 
war  me  had  been  engaged  in,  it  was  hoped 
by  many,  that  as  it  had  happened  before  to 
other  kingdoms,  civil  difcords  would  afford 
opportunities  of  revenging  all  the  injuries 
fuppofed  to  be  received  from  her.  How 
ever  the  caufe  of  diffention  was  removed  by 
a  repeal  of  the  ftatute,  that  had  given  of- 
fenfe.  This  affair  rendered  the  fubmiffive 
condud:  of  the  colonies  fo  foon  after,  the 
more  extraordinary  ;  there  being  no  differ 
ence  between  the  modes  of  taxation  which 
they  oppofed,  and  that  to  which  they  fub- 
mitted,  but  this,  that  by  the  firft,  they  were 
to  be  continually  reminded  that  they  were 
taxed,  by  certain  marks  ftampt  on  every 
piece  of  paper  or  parchment,  they  ufed. 
The  authors  of  that  ftatute  triumphed 
greatly  on  this  conducT:  of  the  colonies,  and 
inlifted  that  if  the  people  of  Great-Britain, 
had  perfifted  in  enforcing  it,  the  Americans 
would  have  been  in  a  few  months  fo  fatigued 
with  the  efforts  of  patriotifm,  that  they 
would  quickly  have  yielded  obedience. 


L  ETTE  R     X.  115 

"  Certain  it  is,  that  though  they  had  be 
fore  their  eyes  fo  many  illuftrious  examples 
in  their  mother  country,  of  the  conftant  fuc- 
cefs  attending  firmnefs  and  perfeverance  in 
oppolition  to  dangerous  encroachments  on 
liberty,  yet  they  quietly  gave  up  a  point  of 
the  laft  importance.  From  thence  the  de 
cline  of  their  freedom  began,  and  its  decay 
was  extremely  rapid  ;  for  as  money  was  al 
ways  raifed  upon  them  by  the  parliament, 
their  arTemblies  grew  immediately  ufelefs  and 
in  a  mort  time  contemptible;  and  in  lefs 
than  one  hundred  years,  the  people  funk 
down  into  that  tamenefs  and  fupinenefs  of 
fpirit  by  which  they  ftill  continue  to  be  dif- 
tinguifhed." 

Et  majores  veftros  et  pofleros  cogitate. 
Remember  your  ancestors  and  your  posterity. 

A    FARMER. 


LETTER     XI. 


Beloved  Countrymen, 

I  HAVE  feveral  times,  in  the  courfe  of 
thefe  letters,  mentioned  the  late  aft  of 
parliament,  as  being  the  foundation  of  fu 
ture  meafures  injurious  to  thefe  colonies  ; 
and  the  belief  of  this  truth  I  wifh  to  pre 
vail,  becaufe  I  think  it  necefTary  to  our 
fafety. 

A  perpetual  jealoufy  refpedHng  liberty, 
is  abfolutely  requilite  in  all  free  ftates. 
The  very  texture  of  their  conftitution,  in 
mixt  governments,  demands  it.  For  the 
cautions  with  which  power  is  diftributed  a- 
mong  the  feveral  orders,  imply,  that  each 
has  that  mare  which  is  proper  for  the  gene- 
al  welfare,  and  therefore,  that  any  further 
impofition  muft  be  pernicious.  a  Machiavel 
employs  a  whole  chapter  in  his  difcourfes, 
to  prove  that  a  ftate,  to  be  long  lived,  muft 
be  frequently  corrected,  and  reduced  to  its 
firfl  principles.  But  of  all  ftates  that  have 
exifted,  there  never  was  any,  in  which  this 
jealoufy  could  be  more  proper  than  in  thefe 
colonies.  For  the  government  here  is  not 
only  mixt,  but  dependant,  which  circum- 

(rf)   Machiavel's  difcourfes.      Book  3,  chap.  I. 


u8  LETTER     XI  . 

fiance  occafions  a  peculiarity  in  its  form,  of 
a  very  delicate  nature. 

Two  reafons  induce  me  to  defire,  that 
this  fpirit  of  apprehenfion  may  be  always 
kept  up  among  us,  in  its  utmoft  vigilance. 
The  firft  is  this,  that  as  the  happinefs  of  thefe 
provinces  indubitably  confifts  in  their  con 
nection  with  Great-Britain,  any  feparation 
between  them  is  lefs  likely  to  be  occafioned 
by  civil  difcords,  if  every  difgufting  mea- 
fure  is  oppofed  fingly,  and  while  it  is  new  : 
for  in  this  manner  of  proceeding,  every  fuch 
meafure  is  moft  likely  to  be  rectified.  On 
the  other  hand,  oppreffions  and  dilTatisfac- 
tions  being  permitted  to  accumulate — if 
ever  the  governed  throw  off  the  load,  they 
will  do  more.  A  people  does  not  reform 
with  moderation.  The  rights  of  the  fub- 
jecl:  therefore  cannot  be  too  often  confider- 
ed,  explained,  or  afTerted  :  and  whoever 
attempts  to  do  this,  mews  himfelf,  what 
ever  may  be  the  rafh  and  peevifh  reflections 
of  pretended  wifdom,  and  pretended  duty, 
a  friend  to  thofe  who  injudicioufly  exercife 
their  power,  as  well  as  to  them,  over  whom 
it  is  fo  exercifed. 

Had  all  the  points  of  prerogative  claimed 
by  Charles  I.  been  feparately  contefled  and 
fettled  in  preceding  reigns,  his  fate  would 
in  all  probability  have  been  very  different, 
and  the  people  would  have  been  content  with 
that  liberty  which  is  compatible  with  regal 


LETTER     XI  .  119 

authority.  But b  he  thought,  it  would  be  as 
dangerous  for  him  to  give  up  the  powers 
which  at  any  time  had  been  by  ufurpation  ex- 
ercifed  by  the  crown,  as  thofe  that  were 
legally  veiled  in  it.  This  produced  an  equal 
excefs  on  the  part  of  the  people.  For  when 
their  paffions  were  excited  by  multiplied 
grievances,  they  thought  it  would  be  as 
dangerous  for  them,  to  allow  the  powers 
that  were  legally  vefted  in  the  crown,  as 
thofe  which  at  any  time  had  been  by  ufur 
pation  exercifed  by  it.  Acts,  that  might 
by  themfelves  have  been  upon  many  con- 
liderations  excufed  or  extenuated,  derived  a 
contagious  malignancy  and  odium  from 
other  acts,  with  which  they  were  connected. 
They  were  not  regarded  according  to  the 
fimple  force  of  each,  but  as  parts  of  a 
fyftem  of  oppreffion.  Every  one  therefore, 
however  fmall  in  itfelf,  being  alarming,  as 
an  additional  evidence  of  tyrannical  defigns. 
It  was  in  vain  for  prudent  and  moderate 
men  to  infift,  that  there  was  no  neceffity  to 
abolim  royalty.  Nothing  lefs  than  the  utter 

(£)  The  author  is  fenfible  that  this  is  putting  the 
gentleft  conftru6lion  on  Charles'  conduct ;  and  that  is 
one  reafon  why  he  chufes  it.  Allowance  ought  to  be 
made  for  the  errors  of  thofe  men,  who  are  acknow 
ledged  to  have  been  poflefTed  of  many  virtues.  The  e- 
ducation  of  that  unhappy  Prince,  and  his  confidence  in 
men  not  fo  good  and  wife  as  himfelf,  had  probably  fill 
ed  him  with  miftaken  notions  of  his  own  authority,  and 
of  the  confequences  that  would  attend  conceffions  of.a- 
ny  kind  to  a  people,  who  were  reprefented  to  him  as 
aiming  at  too  much  power. 


120  LETTER     XI. 

deftruction  of  monarchy,  could  fatisfy  thofe 
who  had  fuffered,  and  thought  they  had  rea- 
fon  to  believe,  they  always  mould  fuffer  un 
der  it. 

The  confequences  of  thefe  mutual  dif- 
trufts  are  well  known  :  But  there  is  no  other 
people  mentioned  in  hiftory,  that  I  recollect, 
who  have  been  fo  conftantly  watchful  of 
their  liberty,  and  fo  fuccefsful  in  their  ftrug- 
gles  for  it,  as  the  Englifh.  This  confidera- 
tion  leads  me  to  the  fecond  reafon,  why  I 
"  defire  that  the  fpirit  of  apprehenfion  may 
be  always  kept  up  among  us  in  its  utmoft 
vigilance." 

The  firft  principles  of  government  are  to 
be  looked  for  in  human  nature.  Some  of 
the  beft  writers  have  alTerted,  and  it  feems 
with  good  reafon,  that  "  government  is 
founded  on  °  opinion." 

Cuftom  undoubtedly  has  a  mighty  force 
in  producing  opinion,  and  reigns  in  nothing 

(r)  "  Opinion  is  of  two  kinds,  viz.  opinion  of  inte- 
reft,  and  opinion  of  right.  By  opinion  of  intereft,  I 
chiefly  underftand,  the  fenfe  of  public  advantage  which 
is  reaped  from  government ;  together  with  the  perfuafi- 
on,  that  the  particular  government  which  is  eftablished, 
is  equally  advantageous  with  any  other,  that  could  be 
eafily  fettled." 

"  Right  is  of  two  kinds,  right  to  power,  and  right 
to  property.  What  prevalence  opinion  of  the  firft  kind 
has  over  mankind  may  eafily  be  underftood,  by  obferving 
the  attachment  which  all  nations  have  to  their  ancient 
government,  and  even  to  thofe  names  which  have  had 
the  fanction  of  antiquity.  Antiquity  always  begets  the 
opinion  of  right."  "  It  is  fufficiently  understood,  that 
the  opinion  of  right  to  property,  is  of  the  greateft  mo 
ment  in  all  matters  of  government."  Hume's  EfTays. 


LETTER     XI  .  121 

more  arbitrarily  than  in  public  affairs.      It 
gradually   reconciles   us   to    objects  even   of 
dread    and  deteftation  ;   and    I    cannot   but 
think  thefe  lines  of  Mr.  Pope,  as  applicable 
to  vice  in  politics,  as  to  vice  in  ethics. 
'  Vice  is  a  monfter  of  fo  horrid  mien, 
'  As  to  be  hated,  needs  but  to  be  feen  ; 
'  Yet  feen  too  oft,  familiar  with  her  face, 
'  We  firft  endure,  then  pity,  then  embrace.' 

When  an  acl  injurious  to  freedom  has  been 
once  done,  and  the  people  bear  it,  the  re 
petition  of  it  is  moft  likely  to  meet  with 
fubmiffion.  For  as  the  mifchief  of  the  one 
was  found  to  be  tolerable,  they  will  hope 
that  of  the  fecond  will  prove  fo  too  ;  and 
they  will  not  regard  the  infamy  of  the  laft, 
becaufe  they  are  ftained  with  that  of  the 
firft. 

Indeed,  nations  in  general,  are  not  apt 
to  think  until  they  feel  ;  and  therefore  na 
tions  in  general  have  loft  their  liberty  :  For 
as  violations  of  the  rights  of  the  governed, 
are  commonly  not  only  fpecious,  d  but  fmall 
at  the  beginning,  they  fpread  over  the  mul 
titude  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  to  touch  indivi 
duals  but  nightly.  Thus  they  are  difre- 
garded.  e  The  power  or  profit  that  arifes 


(*/)    Omnia  mala  exampla  ex  bonis  initiis  orta  funt. 

Salluft.    Bell.  Cat.  S.  50. 

(e)  The  Republic  is  always  attacked  with  greater  vi 
gour  than  it  is  defended,  for  the  audacious  and  profligate, 
prompted  by  their  natural  enmity  to  it,  are  eafily  im 
pelled  to  a6l  upon  the  leaft  nod  of  their  leaders  ;  where- 


122  LETTER     XI. 

from  thefe  violations,  centering  in  few  per- 
fons,  is  to  them  confiderable.  For  this  rea- 
fon  the  governors  having  in  view  their  par 
ticular  purpofes,  fucceffively  preferve  an 
uniformity  of  conduct  for  attaining  them. 
They  regularly  increafe  and  multiply  the 
firft  injuries,  till  at  length  the  inattentive 
people  are  compelled  to  perceive  the  heavi- 
nefs  of  their  burdens. — They  begin  to  com 
plain  and  enquire — but  too  late. — They  find 
their  opprefTors  fo  Strengthened  by  fuccefs, 
and  themfelves  fo  entangled  in  examples  of 
exprefs  authority  on  the  part  of  their  rulers, 
and  of  tacit  recognition  on  their  own  part, 
that  they  are  quite  confounded  :  For  millions 
entertain  no  other  idea  of  the  legality  of 
power,  than  that  it  is  founded  on  the  exer- 
cife  of  power.  They  voluntarily  fatten 
their  chains,  by  adopting  a  pufillanimous 
opinion,  "  that  there  will  be  too  much  dan 
ger  in  attempting  a  remedy,"  or  another 
opinion  no  lefs  fatal,  "  that  the  govern 
ment  has  a  right  to  treat  them  as  it  does." 

as  the  honeft,  I  know  not  why,  are  generally  flow  and 
unwilling  to  ftir ;  and  neglecting  always  the  beginnings 
of  things,  are  never  roufed  to  exert  themfelves,  but  by 
the  laft  neceflity ;  fo  that  through  irrefolution  and  de 
lay,  when  they  would  be  glad  to  compound  at  laft  for 
their  quiet,  at  the  expence  even  of  their  honour,  they 
commonly  lofe  them  both." 

Cicero's  Orat.  for  Sextius. 

Such  were  the  fentiments  of  this  great  and  excellent 
man  whofe  vaft  abilities,  and  the  calamities  of  the  time 
in  which  he  lived,  enabled  him,  by  mournful  experience, 
to  form  a  juft  judgement  on  the  conduct  of  the  friends 
and  enemies  of  liberty. 


LETTE  R     XI  .  123 

They  then  feek  a  wretched  relief  for  their 
minds,  by  perfuading  themfelves,  that  to 
yield  their  obedience  is  to  difcharge  their 
duty.  The  deplorable  poverty  of  fpirit, 
that  proStrates  all  the  dignity  beStowed  by 
divine  providence  on  our  nature — of  courfe 
fucceeds. 

From  thefe  reflections  I  conclude,  that 
every  free  State  mould  incelTantly  watch,  and 
inftantly  take  alarm  on  any  condition  being 
made  to  the  power  exercifed  over  them,  in 
numerable  instances  might  be  produced  to 
mew,  from  what  flight  beginnings  the  moil 
extenSIve  confequences  have  flowed  :  but  I 
mail  felect  two  only  from  the  hiStory  of 
England. 

Henry  the  feventh  was  the  firSt  monarch 
of  that  kingdom,  who  established  a  Standing 
body  of  armed  men.  This  was  a  band  of 
50  archers,  called  yeomen  of  the  guard : 
And  this  institution,  notwithstanding  the 
fmallnefs  of  the  number,  was,  to  prevent 
difcontent,  f"difguifed  under  the  pretence 
of  majefty  and  grandeur."  In  1684,  the 
Standing  forces  were  fo  much  augmented, 
that  Rapin  fays — "  The  King,  in  order  to 
make  his  people  fully  fenfible  of  their  new 
ilavery,  affected  to  muSter  his  troops,  which 
amounted  to  4000  well  armed  and  difciplined 
men."  I  think  our  army,  at  this  time, 
confiSts  of  more  than  feventy  regiments. 

(f)  Rapin's  History  of  England. 


124  LETTER     XI. 

The  method  of  taxing  by  excife  was  firft 
introduced  amidft  the  convulfions  of  civil 
wars.  Extreme  neceffity  was  pretended, 
and  its  fhort  continuance  promifed.  After 
the  reftoration,  an  excife  upon  beer,  ale  and 
other  liquors,  was  granted  to  the  g  King, 
one  half  in  fee,  the  other  for  life,  as  an  e- 
quivalent  for  the  court  of  wards.  Upon 
James  the  fecond's  acceffion,  the  parlia 
ment  h  gave  him  the  firft  excife,  with  an  ad 
ditional  duty  on  wine,  tobacco,  and  fome 
other  things.  Since  the  revolution  it  has 
been  extended  to  fait,  candles,  leather,  hides, 
hops,  foap,  paper,  pafte-board,  mill-boards, 
fcaleboards,  vellum,  parchment,  ftarch,  lilks, 
calicoes,  linens,  fluffs,  printed,  ftained,  &c. 
wire,  wrought  plate,  coffee,  tea,  chocolate, 
&c. 

Thus  a  ftanding  army  and  excife  have, 
from  the  firft  flender  origins,  tho'  always 
hated,  always  feared,  always  oppofed,  at 
length  fwelled  up  to  their  vaft  prefent  bulk. 

Thefe  facts  are  fufficient  to  fupport  what 
I  have  faid.  'Tis  true  that  all  the  mifchiefs 
apprehended  by  our  anceftors  from  a  ftand- 
ing  army  and  excife,  have  not  yet  happen 
ed  :  but  it  does  not  follow  from  thence, 
that  they  will  not  happen.  The  infide  of  a 
houfe  may  catch  fire,  and  the  mofr,  valuable 
apartments  be  ruined,  before  the  flames 


12  Car.  II.  Chap.  23,  and  24. 
James  II.  Chap.  i.  and  4. 


LETTER     XI.  125 

burft  out.  The  queftion  in  thefe  cafes  is 
not,  what  evil  has  actually  attended  parti 
cular  meafures — but  what  evil,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  is  likely  to  attend  them.  Cer 
tain  circumftances  may  for  fome  time  delay 
effects,  that  were  reafonably  expected,  and 
that  muft  enfue.  There  was  a  long  period, 
after  the  Romans  had  prorogued  the  com 
mand  to  '  Q^.  Publilius  Philo,  before  that 
example  destroyed  their  liberty.  All  our 
kings,  from  the  revolution  to  the  prefent 
reign  have  been  foreigners.  Their  minifters 
generally  continued  but  a  fhort  time  in  au 
thority  ;  k  and  they  themfelves  were  mild 
and  virtuous  princes. 

A  bold,  ambitious  Prince,  porTefled  of 
great  abilities,  firmly  fixed  in  the  throne  by 
defcent,  ferved  by  minifters  like  himfelf,  and 
rendered  either  venerable  or  terrible  by  the 
glory  of  his  fuccefles,  may  execute  what  his 

(V)  In  the  year  of  the  city  428,  "  Duo  fingularia  h<ec 
ei  viro  primum  contigere ;  prorogatio  imperil  nan  ame  in  ullo 
fuflo  et  afto  honore  triumphus."  Liv.  B.  8.  Chap.  23.  26. 

"  Had  the  reft  of  the  Roman  citizens  imitated  the 
example  of  L.  Quintus,  who  refufed  to  have  his  conful- 
fhip  continued  to  him,  they  had  never  admitted  that 
cuftom  of  proroguing  magiftrates,  and  then  the  prolon 
gation  of  their  commands,  the  army  had  never  been 
introduced,  which  very  thing  was  at  length  the  ruin 
of  that  commonwealth." 

Machiavel's  difcourfes,  B.  3.  Chap.  24. 

(-f)  I  don't  know  but  it  may  be  faid  with  a  good  deal 
of  reafon,  that  a  quick  rotation  of  minifters  is  very  de- 
firable  in  Great-Britain.  A  minifter  there  has  a  vaft 
ftore  of  materials  to  work  with.  Long  adminiftrations 
are  rather  favourable  to  the  reputation  of  a  people  a- 
broad,  than  to  their  liberty. 


126  LETTER     XI. 

predeceflbrs  did  not  dare  to  attempt.  Henry 
IV.  tottered  in  his  feat  during  his  whole 
reign.  Henry  V.  drew  the  ftrength  of  the 
kingdom  into  France,  to  carry  on  his  wars 
there,  and  left  the  Commons  at  home,  pro- 
tefting,  "  that  the  people  were  not  bound 
"  to  ferve  out  of  the  realm." 

It  is  true,  that  a  ftrong  fpirit  of  liberty 
fubfifts  at  prefent  in  Great-Britain,  but  what 
reliance  is  to  be  placed  in  the  temper  of  a 
people,  when  the  prince  is  pofTeiTed  of  an  un- 
conftitutional  power,  our  own  hiftory  can  fuf- 
ficiently  inform  us.  When  Charles  II.  had 
ftrengthened  himfelf  by  the  return  of  the 
garrifon  of  Tangier,  "  England  (fays  Rapin) 
faw  on  a  fudden  an  amazing  revolution ;  faw 
herfelf  ftripped  of  all  her  rights  and  privi 
leges,  excepting  fuch  as  the  King  mould 
vouchfafe  to  grant  her  ;  and  what  is  more 
aftonifhing,  the  Englifh  themfelves  delivered 
up  thefe  very  rights  and  privileges  to  Char 
les  II.  which  they  had  fo  paffionately,  and, 
if  I  may  fay  it,  furiously  defended  againfl  the 
defigns  of  Charles  I."  This  happened  only 
thirty-fix  years  after  this  laft  prince  had  been 
beheaded. 

Some  perfons  are  of  opinion,  that  liberty 
is  not  violated,  but  by  fuch  open  acts  of 
force  ;  but  they  feem  to  be  greatly  mifta- 
ken.  I  could  mention  a  period  within  thefe 
forty  years,  when  almoft  as  great  a  change 
of  difpofition  was  produced  by  the  fecret 
meafures  of  a  long  adminiftration,  as  by 


LETTER     XI.  127 

Charles's  violence.  Liberty,  perhaps  is  ne 
ver  expofed  to  fo  much  danger,  as  when  the 
people  believe  there  is  the  leaft;  for  it  may 
be  fubverted,  and  yet  they  not  think  fo. 

Public-difgufting  acts  are  feldom  practifed 
by  the  ambitious,  at  the  beginning  of  their 
defigns.  Such  conduct  filences  and  difcou- 
rages  the  weak,  and  the  wicked,  who  would 
otherways  have  been  their  advocates  or  ac 
complices.  It  is  of  great  confequence,  to 
allow  thofe,  who,  upon  any  account,  are  in 
clined  to  favour  them,  fomething  Ipecious  to 
fay  in  their  defence.  The  power  may  be 
fully  eftablifhed,  though  it  would  not  be  fafe 
for  them  to  do  whatever  they  pleafe.  For 
there  are  things,  which,  at  fome  times,  even 
flaves  will  not  bear.  Julius  Caesar  and  Oli 
ver  Cromwell  did  not  dare  to  afTume  the 
title  of  King.  The  grand  Seignior  dares  not 
lay  a  new  tax.  The  King  of  France  dares 
not  be  a  proteftant.  Certain  popular  points 
may  be  left  untouched,  and  yet  freedom  be 
extinguished.  The  commonality  of  Venice  i- 
magine  themfelves  free,  becaufe  they  are 
permitted  to  do,  what  they  ought  not.  But 
I  quit  a  fubject,  that  would  lead  me  too  far 
from  my  purpofe. 

By  the  late  act  of  parliament,  taxes  are  to 
be  levied  upon  us,  for  "  defraying  the  charge 
of  the  adminiftration  of  juftice,  the  fupport  of 
civil  government — and  the  expences  of  de 
fending  his  Majefty's  dominionsin  America." 


128  LETTER     XI  . 

If  any  man  doubts  what  ought  to  be  the 
conduct  of  thefe  colonies  on  this  occafion,  I 
would  afk  them  thefe  questions. 

Has  not  the  parliament  exprefsly  avowed 
their  intention  of  raiting  money  from  us  for 
certain  purpofes?  Is  not  this  fcheme  popu 
lar  in  Great-Britain  ?  Will  the  taxes,  impof- 
ed  by  the  late  aft,  anfwer  thofe  purpofes  ? 
If  it  will,  muft  it  not  take  an  immenfe  fum 
from  us  ?  If  it  will  not,  is  it  to  be  expected, 
that  the  parliament  will  not  fully  execute 
their  intention,  when  it  is  pleafing  at  home, 
and  not  oppofed  here  ?  Muft  not  this  be  done 
by  impoling  new  taxes?  Will  not  every  ad 
dition,  thus  made  to  our  taxes,  be  an  addition 
to  the  power  of  the  Britifh  legiflature,  by 
increafing  the  number  of  officers  employ 
ed  in  the  collection  ?  Will  not  every  additi 
onal  tax  therefore  render  it  more  diffi 
cult  to  abrogate  any  of  them  ?  When  a 
branch  of  revenue  is  once  established,  does 
it  not  appear  to  many  people  invidious  and 
undutiful,  to  attempt  to  aboliih  it  ?  If  tax 
es,  Sufficient  to  accomplifh  the  intention  of 
the  Parliament,  are  impofed  by  the  Parlia 
ment,  what  taxes  will  remain  to  be  impofed 
by  our  afTemblies  ?  If  no  material  taxes  re 
main  to  be  impofed  by  them,  what  muft  be 
come  of  them,  and  the  people  they  repre- 
fent? 

1  "  If  any  perfon  confiders,  thefe  things, 

(/)  Demofthenes's  id  Philippic. 


LETTER     XI  .  129 

and  yet  not  thinks  our  liberties  are  in  dan 
ger,  I  wonder  at  that  perfon's  fecurity." 

One  other  argument  is  to  be  added, 
which,  by  itfelf,  I  hope,  will  be  fufficient 
to  convince  the  moft  incredulous  man  on  this 
continent,  that  the  late  act  of  Parliament  is 
only  defigned  to  be  a  precedent,  whereon 
the  future  vaflalage  of  thefe  colonies  may  be 
eftablimed. 

Every  duty  thereby  laid  on  articles  of 
Britifh  manufacture,  is  laid  on  fome  com 
modity  upon  the  exportation  of  which  from 
Great-Britain,  a  drawback  is  payable.  Thofe 
drawbacks  in  moft  of  the  articles,  are  ex 
actly  double  to  the  duties  given  by  the  late 
act.  The  Parliament  therefore  might  in  half 
a  dozen  lines  have  raifed  much  more  money 
only  by  ftopping  the  drawbacks  in  the  hands 
of  the  officers  at  home,  on  exportation  to 
thefe  colonies,  than  by  this  folemn  impofi- 
tion  of  taxes  upon  us,  to  be  collected  here. 
Probably,  the  artful  contrivers  of  this  act 
formed  it  in  this  manner,  in  order  to  referve 
to  themfelves,  in  cafe  of  any  objections  be 
ing  made  to  it,  this  fpecious  pretence — 
"  That  the  drawbacks  are  gifts  to  the  co- 
"  lonies;  and  that  the  act  only  lefTens  thofe 
"  gifts."  But  the  truth  is,  that  the  draw 
backs  are  intended  for  the  encourage 
ment  and  promotion  of  Britifh  manufactures 
and  commerce,  and  are  allowed  on  exporta 
tion  to  any  foreign  parts,  as  well  as  on  ex 
portation  to  thefe  provinces.  Befides,  care 

R 


130  LETTER     XI  . 

has  been  taken  to  flide  into  the  act  m  fome  ar 
ticles  on  which  there  are  no  drawbacks. 
However,  the  whole  duties  laid  by  the  late 
act  on  all  the  articles  therein  fpecified,  are 
fo  fmall,  that  they  will  not  amount  to  as 
much  as  the  drawbacks  which  are  allowed 
on  part  of  them  only.  If,  therefore,  the 
fum  to  be  obtained  by  the  late  act  had  been 
the  fole  object  in  forming  it,  there  would 
not  have  been  any  occafion  for  the  "  Com- 
"  mons  of  Great-Britain  to  give  and  grant 
"  to  his  Majefty,  rates  and  duties  for  raifmg 
"  a  revenue  in  his  Majefty's  dominions  in 
"  America,  for  making  a  more  certain  and 
"  adequate  provifion  for  defraying  the 
"  charge  of  the  administration  of  juftice, 
"  the  fupport  of  civil  government,  and  the 
"  expences  of  defending  the  faid  domini- 

"  ons  " Nor  would  there  have  been  any 

occafion  for  an  n  expenfive  board  of  commif- 

(m)  Though  duties  by  the  late  aft  are  laid  on  fome  ar 
ticles,  on  which  no  drawbacks  are  allowed,  yet  the  du 
ties  impofed  by  the  aft,  are  fo  fmall,  in  comparifon 
with  the  drawbacks  that  are  allowed,  that  all  the  duties 
together  will  not  amount  to  fo  much  as  the  drawbacks. 

(«)  The  expence  of  this  board,  I  am  informed,  is  be 
tween  four  and  five  thoufand  pounds  fterling  a  year. 
The  eftablishment  of  officers,  for  collefting  the  revenue 
of  America,  amounted  before  to  feven  thoufand  fix  hun 
dred  pounds  per  annum  :  and  yet,  fays  the  author  of 
"  The  regulation  of  the  colonies,"  the  whole  remittance 
from  all  the  taxes  in  the  colonies,  at  an  average  of  thir 
ty  years,  has  not  amounted  to  one  thoufand  nine  hun 
dred  pounds  a  year,  and  in  that  time,  feven  or  eight 
hundred  pounds  per  annum  only,  have  been  remitted 
from  North-America. 


LETTER     XI  .  131 

fioners,  and  all   the   other  new  charges  to 
which  we  are  made  liable. 

Upon  the  whole,  for  my  part,  I  regard 
the  late  act  as  an  experiment  made  of  our 
difpolition.  It  is  a  bird  fent  over  the  wa 
ters,  to  difcover,  whether  the  waves,  that 
lately  agitated  this  part  of  the  world  with 
fuch  violence,  are  yet  fubfided.  If  this  ad 
venturer  gets  footing  here,  we  mail  quickly 
be  convinced,  that  it  is  not  a  phenix  ;  for 
we  mall  foon  fee  it  followed  by  others  of  the 
fame  kind.  We  mail  find  it  rather  to  be  of 
the  °  breed  defcribed  by  the  poet — 

"  Infelix  vates" 
A  direful  foreteller  of  future  calamities. 

A     FARMER. 

The  fmallnefs  of  the  revenue  arifing  from  the  duties 
in  America,  demonftrated  that  they  were  intended  only 
as  regulations  of  trade ;  and  can  any  perfon  be  fo  blind 
to  truth,  fo  dull  of  apprehenfion  in  a  matter  of  un- 
fpeakable  importance  to  his  country,  as  to  imagine,  that 
the  board  of  commiflioners  lately  eftabliftied  at  fuch  a 
charge,  is  inftituted  to  aflift  in  collecting  one  thoufand 
nine  hundred  pounds  a  year,  or  the  trifling  duties  im- 
pofed  by  the  late  acl:  ?  Surely  every  man  on  this  conti 
nent  muft  perceive,  that  they  are  eftablifhed  for  the 
care  of  a  new  fyrtem  of  revenue,  which  is  but  now 
begun. 

(o)  "  Dira  ccelezno"  Virgil,  /Eneid  2. 


LETTER      XII 


Beloved  Countrymen, 

SOME  ftates  have  loft  their  liberty  by 
particular  accidents  ;  but  this  calamity 
is  generally  owing  to  the  decay  of  virtue. 
A  people  is  travelling  faft  to  deftruction, 
when  individuals  conlider  their  interefts  as 
diftinct  from  thofe  of  the  public.  Such  no 
tions  are  fatal  to  their  country,  and  to  them- 
felves.  Yet  how  many  are  there  fo  weak 
and  fordid  as  to  think  they  perform  all  the 
offices  of  life,  if  they  earneftly  endeavour 
to  increafe  their  own  wealth,  power,  and 
credit,  without  the  leaft  regard  for  the  foci- 
ety,  under  the  protection  of  which  they  live ; 
who,  if  they  can  make  an  immediate  pro 
fit  to  themfelves,  by  lending  their  affiftance 
to  thofe,  whofe  projects  plainly  tend  to  the 
injury  of  their  country,  rejoice  in  their  dex 
terity,  and  believe  themfelves  intitled  to 
the  character  of  able  politicians.  Miferable 
men  !  of  whom  it  is  hard  to  fay,  whether 
they  ought  to  be  moft  the  objects  of  pity  or 
contempt,  but  whofe  opinions  are  certainly 
as  deteftable  as  their  practices  are  deftructive. 
Though  I  always  reflect  with  a  high  plea- 
fure  on  the  integrity  and  underftanding  of 


i34  LETTER     XII. 

my  countrymen,  which,  joined  with  a  pure 
and  humble  devotion  to  the  great  and  gra 
cious  author  of  every  bleffing  they  enjoy, 
will,  I  hope,  enfure  to  them,  and  their  pof- 
terity,  all  temporal  and  eternal  happinefs  ; 
yet  when  I  confider,  that  in  every  age  and 
country  there  have  been  bad  men,  my  heart, 
at  this  threatening  period,  is  fo  full  of  ap- 
prehenfion,  as  not  to  permit  me  to  believe, 
but  that  there  may  be  fome  on  this  conti 
nent,  againft  whom  you  ought  to  be  upon 
your  guard.  Men,  who  either  *  hold  or  ex- 

(a)  It  is  not  intended  by  thefe  words  to  throw  any  re 
flection  upon  gentlemen,  becaufe  they  are  poflefled  of 
offices ;  for  many  of  them  are  certainly  men  of  vir 
tue,  and  lovers  of  their  country.  But  fuppofed  obliga 
tions  of  gratitude  and  honour  may  induce  them  to  be 
filent.  Whether  thefe  obligations  ought  to  be  regarded 
or  not,  is  not  fo  much  to  be  confidered  by  others,  in  the 
judgment  they  form  of  thefe  gentlemen,  as  whether 
they  think  they  ought  to  be  regarded.  Perhaps,  there 
fore  we  (hall  acl:  in  the  propereft  manner  towards  them, 
if  we  neither  reproach  nor  imitate  them.  The  perfons 
meant  in  this  letter,  are  the  bafe-fpirited  wretches,  who 
may  endeavor  to  diftinguish  themfelves,  by  their  fordid 
zeal,  in  defending  and  promoting  meafures,  which  they 
know,  beyond  all  queftion,  to  be  deftru&ive  to  the  juft 
rights  and  true  interefts  of  their  country.  It  is  fcarce- 
ly  poflible,  to  fpeak  of  thefe  men  with  any  degree  of 
patience.  It  is  fcarcely  poflible  to  fpeak  of  them  with 
any  degree  of  propriety.  For  no  words  can  truly  de- 
fcribe  their  guilt,  and  meannefs.  But  every  honeft  man, 
on  their  being  mentioned,  will  feel  what  cannot  be  ex- 
prefled.  If  their  wickednefs  did  not  blind  them,  they 
might  perceive,  along  the  coaft  of  thefe  colonies,  many 
(keletons  of  wretched  ambition  ;  who  after  diftinguifh- 
ing  themfelves,  in  fupport  of  the  Stamp-aft,  by  a  cou- 
ragious  contempt  of  their  country,  and  of  juftice, 
have  been  left  to  linger  out  their  miferable  exiftence, 


LETTER     XII.  135 

peel  to  hold  certain  advantages  by  fetting 
examples  of  fervility  to  their  countrymen — 
Men  who  trained  to  the  employment,  or 
felf-taught  by  a  natural  verfatility  of  geni 
us,  ferve  as  decoys  for  drawing  the  innocent 
and  unwary  into  fnares.  It  is  not  to  be 

without  a  government,  colledtorfhip,  fecretaryfhip,  or 
any  other  commiffion  to  confole  them,  as  well  as  it  could 
for  lofs  of  virtue  and  reputation — while  numberlefs  of 
fices  have  been  beftowed  in  thefe  colonies,  on  people 
from  Great- Britain,  and  new  ones  are  continually  in 
vented  to  be  thus  beftowed.  As  a  few  great  prizes  are 
put  into  a  lottery  to  tempt  multitudes  to  lofe,  fo  here 
and  there  an  American  has  been  raifed  to  a  good  poft — 

"  Apparent  rari  nantes  In  gurgite  vafto" 
Mr.  Grenville,  indeed,  in  order  to  recommend  the 
Stamp-aft,  had  the  unequalled  generosity,  to  pour 
down  a  golden  ftiower  of  offices  upon  Americans ;  and 
yet  thefe  ungrateful  colonies  did  not  thank  Mr.  Gren 
ville  for  {hewing  his  kindnefs  to  their  countrymen,  nor 
them  for  accepting  it.  How  muft  that  great  ftatefman 
have  been  furprifed  to  find,  that  the  unpolifhed  colonifts 
could  not  be  reconciled  to  infamy,  by  treachery  ?  Such 
a  bountiful  difpofition  towards  us  never  appeared  in  a- 
ny  minifter  before  him,  and  probably  never  will  appear 
again.  For  it  is  evident  that  fuch  a  fyftem  of  policy  is 
to  be  eftablifhed  on  this  continent,  as,  in  a  fhort  time,  is 
to  render  it  utterly  unneceflary  to  ufe  the  leaft  art  in 
order  to  conciliate  our  approbation  of  any  meafures. 
Some  of  our  countrymen  may  be  employed  to  fix  chains 
upon  us ;  but  they  will  never  be  permitted  to  hold  them 
afterwards.  So  that  the  utmoft  that  any  of  them  can 
expect,  is  only  a  temporary  provifion,  that  may  expire 
in  their  own  time ;  but  which,  they  may  be  aflured, 
will  preclude  their  children  from  having  any  confidera- 
tion  paid  to  them.  The  natives  of  America,  will  fink 
into  total  negle6l  and  contempt,  the  moment  that  their 
country  lofes  the  conftitutional  powers  {he  now  poflef- 
fes.  Moft  fincerely  do  I  wi(h  and  pray,  that  every  one 
of  us  may  be  convinced  of  this  great  truth,  that  induf- 
try  and  integrity  are  the  "  paths  of  pleafantnefs,  which 
lead  to  happinefs." 


136  LETTER     XII. 

doubted  but  that  fuch  men  will  diligently 
beftir  themfelves,  on  this  and  every  like  oc- 
calion,  to  fpread  the  infection  of  their  mean- 
nefs  as  far  as  they  can.  On  the  plans  they 
have  adopted,  this  is  their  courfe.  This  is 
the  method  to  recommend  themfelves  to 
their  patrons. 

They  act  confidently,  in  a  bad  caufe. 

They  run  well  in  a  mean  race. 

From  them  we  mall  learn,  how  pleafant 
and  profitable  a  thing  it  is,  to  be,  for  our 
fubmiffive  behaviour,  well  fpoken  of  in  St. 
James's,  or  St.  Stephen's  ;  at  Guildhall,  or 
the  Royal  Exchange.  Specious  fallacies 
will  be  dreft  up  with  all  the  arts  of  delu- 
lion,  to  perfuade  one  colony  to  diftinguim 
herfelf  from  another,  by  unbecoming  conde- 
fceniions,  which  will  ferve  the  ambitious 
purpofe  of  great  men  at  home,  and  there 
fore  will  be  thought  by  them,  to  entitle  their 
affiftants  in  obtaining  them,  to  confiderable 
rewards. 

Our  fears  will  be  excited  ;  our  hopes  will 
be  awakened.  It  will  be  infmuated  to  us 
with  a  plaufible  affectation  of  wifdom  and 
concern,  how  prudent  it  is  to  pleafe  the 
powerful — how  dangerous  to  provoke  them 
— and  then  comes  in  the  perpetual  incanta 
tion,  that  freezes  up  every  generous  purpofe 
of  the  foul,  in  cold — inactive — expectation 
"  that  if  there  is  any  requeft  to  be  made, 
"  compliance  will  obtain  a  favourable  atten- 
"  tion." 


LETTER     XII.  137 

Our  vigilance  and  our  union  are  fuccefs 
and  fafety.  Our  negligence  and  our  divi- 
lion  are  diflrefs  and  death.  They  are  worfe 
— they  are  fhame  and  flavery. 

Let  us  equally  fhun  the  benumbing  ftill- 
nefs  of  overweening  floth,  and  the  feverifh 
activity  of  that  ill-informed  zeal,  which  bu- 
fies  itfelf  in  maintaining  little,  mean,  and 
narrow  opinions.  Let  us,  with  a  truly 
wife  generolity  and  charity,  banifh  and  dif- 
courage  all  illiberal  difKnctions,  which  may 
arife  from  differences  in  fituation,  forms  of 
government,  or  modes  of  religion.  Let 
us  confider  ourfelves  as  men — Freemen — 
Chriftian  men — feparated  from  the  reft  of 
the  world,  and  firmly  bound  together  by 
the  fame  rights,  interests,  and  dangers. 
Let  thefe  keep  our  attention  inflexibly  fixed 
on  the  great  objects,  which  we  muft  con 
tinually  regard,  in  order  to  preferve  thofe 
rights,  to  promote  thofe  interefts,  and  to 
ay^ert  thofe  dangers. 

Let  thefe  truths  be  indelibly  imprefTed  on 
our  minds — that  we  cannot  be  happy  with 
out  being  free — that  we  cannot  be  free  with 
out  being  fecure  in  our  property — that  we 
cannot  be  fecure  in  our  property,  if,  with 
out  our  confent,  others  may,  as  by  right, 
take  it  away — that  taxes  impofed  on  us  by 
parliament,  do  thus  take  it  away — that  du 
ties  laid  for  the  fole  purpofes  of  raifing  mo 
ney,  are  taxes — that  attempts  to  lay  fuch 

S 


138  LETTER     XII. 

duties  fhould  be  inftantly  and  firmly  oppof- 
ed — that  this  oppofition  can  never  be  effec 
tual,  unlefs  it  is  the  united  effort  of  thefe 
provinces — that,  therefore,  benevolence  of 
temper  toward  each  other,  and  unanimity 
of  counfels  are  effential  to  the  welfare  of 
the  whole — and  laftly,  that,  for  this  reafon, 
every  man  amongft  us,  who,  in  any  manner, 
would  encourage  either  diffention,  diffidence, 
or  indifference  between  thefe  colonies,  is  an 
enemy  to  himfelf  and  to  his  country. 
S^The  belief  of  thefe  truths,  I  verily  think, 
my  countrymen,  is  indifpenfably  neceflary 
to  your  happinefs.  I  befeech  you,  there 
fore,  b "  Teach  them  diligently  unto  your 
"  children,  and  talk  of  them  when  you  fit 
"  in  your  houfes,  and  when  you  walk  by 
"  the  way,  and  when  you  lie  down,  and 
"  when  you  rife  up." 

What  have  thefe  colonies  to  afk,  while 
they  continue  free?  Or  what  have  they  to 
dread,  but  infidious  attempts  to  fubvert 
their  freedom  ?  Their  profperity  does  not 
depend  on  miniflerial  favours  doled  out  to 
particular  provinces.  They  form  one  poli 
tical  body,  of  which  each  colony  is  a  mem 
ber.  Their  happinefs  is  founded  on  their 
conftitution ;  and  is  to  be  promoted  by 
preferving  that  conftitution  in  unabated  vi 
gour  throughout  every  part.  A  fpot,  a 
fpeck  of  decay,  however  fmall  the  limb  on 

(£)  Deut.  vi.  7. 


LETTER     XII.  139 

which  it  appears,  and  however  remote  it 
may  feem  from  the  vitals,  mould  be  alarm 
ing.  We  have  all  the  rights  requifite  for 
our  profperity.  The  legal  authority  of 
Great-Britain  may  indeed  lay  hard  reftrifti- 
ons  upon  us ;  but,  like  the  fpear  of  Tele- 
phus,  it  will  cure  as  well  as  wound.  Her 
unkindnefs  will  inftrucl:  and  compel  us,  af 
ter  fome  time,  to  difcover,  in  our  induftry 
and  frugality,  furprifing  remedies — if  our 
rights  continue  inviolated.  For  as  long  as 
the  produces  of  our  labours  and  the  rewards 
of  our  care,  can  properly  be  called  our  own, 
fo  long  will  it  be  worth  our  while  to  be  in- 
duflrious  and  frugal.  But  if  when  we  plow — 
fow — reap — gather — and  threfh,  we  find, 
that  we  plow — fow — reap — gather — and 
threfh  for  others,  whofe  pleafure  is  to  be  the 
fole  limitation,  how  much  they  mall  take, 
and  how  much  they  mall  leave,  why  mould 
we  repeat  the  unprofitable  toil  ?  Horfes  and 
oxen  are  content  with  that  portion  of  the 
fruits  of  their  work,  which  their  owners  af- 
fign  to  them,  in  order  to  keep  them  ftrong 
enough  to  raife  fucceflive  crops  ;  but  even 
thefe  beafts  will  not  fubmit  to  draw  for  their 
matters,  until  they  are  fubdued  with  whips 
and  goads.  Let  us  take  care  of  our  rights, 
and  we  therein  take  care  of  our  property. 
"  Slavery  is  ever  preceded  by  fleep."  In 
dividuals  may  be  dependant  on  minifters,  if 


(<:)   Montefquieu's  Spirit  of  Laws,  B.  14.  C.  13. 

S    2 


140  LETTER     XII. 

they  pleafe.  States  fhould  fcorn  it — : — And, 
if  you  are  not  wanting  to  yourfelves,  you 
will  have  a  proper  regard  paid  you  by  thofe, 
to  whom  if  you  are  not  refpeclable,  you  will 
infallibly  be  contemptible.  But  if  we  have 
already  forgot  the  reafons  that  urged  us, 
with  unexampled  unanimity,  to  exert  our- 
felves  two  years  ago  ;  if  our  zeal  for  the  pub 
lic  good  is  worn  out  before  the  homefpun 
cloaths  which  it  caufed  us  to  have  made — 
if  our  refolutions  are  fo  faint,  as  by  our 
prefent  conduct  to  condemn  our  own  late 

fuccefsful  example if  we  are  not  affecled 

by  any  reverence  for  the  memory  of  our  an- 
ceflors,  who  tranfmitted  to  us  that  freedom 

in  which  they  had  been  bleft if  we  are 

not  animated  by  any  regard  for  pofterity, 
to  whom,  by  the  moil  facred  obligations, 
we  are  bound  to  deliver  down  the  inva 
luable  inheritance — Then,  indeed,  any  mi 
nifter — or  any  tool  of  a  minifter — or  any 
creature  of  a  tool  of  a  minifter — or  any 
lower  d  inftrument  of  adminiftration,  if  low- 

(ct)  "  Inftrumenta  regni."  Tacitus  An.  b.  12.  f.  66. 

If  any  perfon  {hall  imagine  that  he  difcovers  in  thefe 
letters  the  leaft  difaffe&ion  towards  our  moft  excellent 
Sovereign,  and  the  parliament  of  Great-Britain  ;  or  the 
leaft  diflike  to  the  dependance  of  thefe  colonies  on  that 
kingdom,  I  beg  that  fuch  perfon  will  not  form  any  judg 
ment  on  particular  expreffions,  but  will  confider  the  te- 
nour  of  all  the  letters  taken  together.  In  that  cafe,  I 
flatter  myfelf  that  every  unprejudiced  reader  will  be 
convinced,  that  the  true  interefts  of  Great-Britain  are  as 
dear  to  me  as  they  ought  to  be  to  every  good  fubje&. 

If  I  am  an  Enthufiaft  in  anything,  it  is  in  my  zeal  for 
the  perpetual  dependance  of  thefe  colonies  on  their  mo- 


LETTER     XII.  141 

er  there  may  be,  is  a  perfonage,  whom  it 
may  be  dangerous  to  offend. 

I  mall  be  extremely  forry  if  any  man  mif- 
takes  my  meaning  in  any  thing  I  have  faid. 
Officers  employed  by  the  crown,  are,  while 
according  to  the  laws  they  conduct  them- 

ther-country. — A  dependance  founded  on  mutual  bene 
fits,  the  continuance  of  which  can  be  fecured  only  by 
mutual  affections.  Therefore  it  is,  that  with  extreme 
apprehenfion  I  view  the  fmalleft  feeds  of  difconte'nt, 
which  are  unwarily  fcattered  abroad.  Fifty  or  fixty 
years  will  make  aftoniming  alterations  in  thefe  colonies  ; 
and  this  confideration  fhould  render  it  the  bufmefs  of 
Great  Britain  more  and  more  to  cultivate  our  good  dif- 

e 

pofitions  towards  her  :  but  the  misfortune  is,  that  thofe 
great  men,  who  are  wreftling  for  power  at  home,  think 
themfelves  very  flightly  interefted  in  the  profperity  of 
their  country  fifty  or  fixty  years  hence  ;  but  are  deeply 
concerned  in  blowing  up  a  popular  clamour  for  fuppofed 
immediate  advantages. 

For  my  part,  I  regard  Great-Britain  as  a  bulwark  happi 
ly  fixed  between  thefe  colonies  and  the  powerful  nations 
of  Europe.  That  kingdom  is  our  advanced  poft  or  fortifica 
tion,  which  remaining  fafe,  we  under  its  protection  enjoy 
ing  peace,  may  diffufe  the  bleffings  of  religion,  fcience, 
and  liberty,  thro'  remote  wildernefses.  It  is,  therefore,  in- 
conteftibly  our  duty  and  ourintereft,  tofupport  the  ftrength 
of  Great  Britain.  When,  confiding  in  that  ftrength,  {he 
begins  to  forget  from  whence  it  arofe,  it  will  be  an  eafy 
thing  to  (hew  the  fource.  She  may  readily  be  reminded 
of  the  loud  alarm  fpread  among  her  merchants  and  tradef- 
men,  by  the  univerfal  aflociation  of  thefe  colonies,  at  the 
time  of  the  Stamp-aft,  not  to  import  any  of  her  manufac 
tures. In  the  year  1718,  the  Ruffians  and  Swedes,  en 
tered  into  an  agreement,  not  to  fuffer  Great-Britain  to  ex 
port  any  naval  ftores  from  their  dominions,  but  in  Ruffian 
or  Swedifh  {hips,  and  at  their  own  prices.  Great-Britain 
was  diftresfed.  Pitch  and  tar  rofe  to  three  pounds  a  barrel. 
At  length  {he  thought  of  getting  thefe  articles  from  the 
colonies  ;  and  the  attempt  fucceeding,  they  fell  down  to 
fifteen  {hillings.  In  the  year  1756, Great  Britain  was  threat- 


142  LETTER     XII. 

felves,  entitled  to  legal  obedience  and  fincere 
refpect.  Thefe  it  is  a  duty  to  render  them, 
and  thefe  no  good  or  prudent  perfon  will 
withhold.  But  when  thefe  officers,  thro' 
rafhnefs  or  defign,  endeavour  to  enlarge 
their  authority  beyond  its  due  limits,  and  ex 
pect  improper  conceffions  to  be  made  to 
them,  from  regard  for  the  employments  they 
bear,  their  attempts  mould  be  confidered  as 
equal  injuries  to  the  crown  and  people,  and 
mould  be  courageoufly  and  conftantly  op- 
pofed.  To  fuffer  our  ideas  to  be  confound 
ed  by  names,  on  fuch  occafions,  would  cer 
tainly  be  an  inexcufable  weaknefs,  and  pro 
bably,  an  irremediable  error. 

We  have  reafon  to  believe,  that  feveral 
of  his  Majefty's  prefent  minifters  are  good 
men,  and  friends  to  our  country  ;  and  it 
feems  not  unlikely,  that  by  a  particular  con 
currence  of  events,  we  have  been  treated 
a  little  more  feverely  than  they  wimed  we 

ened  with  an  invafion.  An  eafterly  wind  blowing  for  fix 
weeks,  fhe  could  not  man  her  fleet,  and  the  whole  na 
tion  was  thrown  into  the  utmoft  consternation.  The 
wind  changed.  The  American  mips  arrived.  The 
fleet  failed  in  ten  or  fifteen  days.  There  are  fome  other 
reflections  on  this  fubjecl:  worthy  of  the  moft  deliberate 
attention  of  the  Britim  parliament ;  but  they  are  of  fuch 
a  nature,  I  do  not  chufe  to  mention  them  publicly.  I 
thought  I  difcharged  my  duty  to  my  country,  taking 
the  liberty,  in  the  year  1765,  while  the  Stamp-Aft  was  in 
fufpense,  of  writing  my  fentiments  to  a  man  of  the 
greateft  influence  at  home,  who  afterwards  diftinguifhed 
himfelf  by  efpoufing  our  caufe,  in  the  debates  concerning 
the  repeal  of  that  aft. 


LETTER     XII.  143 

mould  be.  They  might  not  think  it  pru 
dent  to  item  a  torrent.  But  what  is  the 
difference  to  us,  whether  arbitrary  acts 
take  their  rife  from  ministers,  or  are  per 
mitted  by  them  ?  Ought  any  point  to  be 
allowed  to  a  good  e  minifter,  that  mould 
be  denied  to  a  bad  one  ?  The  mortality  of 
minifters  is  a  very  frail  mortality.  A  *  *  * 
may  fucceed  a  Shelburne — a  *  *  *  may  fuc- 
ceed  a  Conway. 

We  find  a  new  kind  of  minifter  lately  fpo- 

ken  of  at  home "  The  minifter  of  the 

"  houfe  of  Commons."  The  term  feems 
to  have  particular  propriety  when  referred 
to  thefe  colonies,  with  a  different  meaning 
annexed  to  it,  from  that  in  which  it  is  ta 
ken  there.  By  the  word  "  minifter  "  we 
may  underftand  not  only  a  fervant  of  the 
crown,  but  a  man  of  influence  among  the 
Commons,  who  regard  themfelves  as  having 
a  mare  of  the  fovereignty  over  us.  The  mi 
nifter  of  the  houfe  may,  in  a  point  refpedt- 
ing  the  colonies,  be  fo  ftrong,  that  the  mini 
fter  of  the  crown  in  the  houfe,  if  he  is  a  dif- 
tindl  perfon,  may  not  chufe,  even  where  his 
fentiments  are  favourable  to  us,  to  come  to 
a  pitched  battle  upon  our  account.  For  tho' 
I  have  the  higheft  opinion  of  the  deference 
of  the  houfe  for  the  King's  minifter  ;  yet  he 

(^)  "  Ubi  imperium  ad  ignaros  aut  minus  bonos  per- 
venit ;  novum  illud  exemplum,  ad  dignis  et  idoneis,  ad 
indignos  et  non  idoneos  transfertur." 

Sail.  Bed.  Cat.  f.  50. 


H4  LETTER     XII. 

may  be  fo  good  natured  as  not  to  put  it  to  the 
teft,  except  it  be  for  the  mere  and  immedi 
ate  profit  of  his  mafter  or  himfelf. 

But  whatever  kind  of  minifter  he  is,  that 
attempts  to  innovate  a  fingle  iota  in  the  pri 
vileges  of  thefe  colonies,  him  I  hope  you  will 
undauntedly  oppofe,  and  that  you  will  never 
fufFer  yourfelves  to  be  either  cheated  or 
frightened  into  any  unworthy  obfequioufnefs. 
On  fuch  emergencies  you  may  furely  with 
out  prefumption  believe  that  ALMIGHTY 
GOD  himfelf  will  look  down  upon  your 
righteous  conteft  with  gracious  approbation. 
You  will  be  a  "  Band  of  brother's"  cement 
ed  by  the  deareft  ties — and  ftrengthened  with 
inconceivable  fupplies  of  force  and  conftancy, 
by  that  fympathetic  ardour  which  animates 
good  men,  confederated  in  a  good  caufe. 
Your  honour  and  welfare  will  be,  as  they 
now  are,  moft  intimately  concerned  ;  and 
befides you  are  affigned  by  Divine  Provi 
dence,  in  the  appointed  order  of  things,  the 
protectors  of  unborn  ages,  whofe  fate  de 
pends  upon  your  virtue.  Whether  they  mall 
arife  the  noble  and  indifputable  heirs  of  the 
richeft  patrimonies,  or  the  daftardly  and  he 
reditary  drudges  of  imperious  tafk-mafters, 
you  muft  determine. 

To  difcharge  this  double  duty  to  yourfelves 
and  to  your  pofterity ;  you  have  nothing  to 
do,  but  to  call  forth  into  ufe  the  good  fenfe 
and  fpirit,  of  which  you  are  poflefTed.  You 
have  nothing  to  do,  but  to  conduct  your 


LETTER     XII.  145 

affairs  peaceably prudently firm 
ly -jointly.      By   thefe    means  you    will 

fupport  the  character  of  freemen,  without 
loiing  that  of  faithful  fubjecls — a  good  cha 
racter  in  any  government — one  of  the  beft 
under  a  British  government.  You  will  prove 
that  Americans  have  that  true  magnanimity 
of  foul,  that  can  refent  injuries  without  falling 
into  rage  ;  and  that  tho'  your  devotion  to 
Great-Britain  is  the  moft  affectionate,  yet 
you  can  make  proper  distinctions,  and  know 
what  you  owe  to  yourfelves  as  well  as  to  her 
you  will,  at  the  fame  time  that  you  ad 
vance  your  interefts,  advance  your  reputati 
on — you  will  convince  the  world  of  the  juf- 
tice  of  your  demands,  and  the  purity  of  your 
intentions — while  all  mankind  muft  with  un- 
ceafing  applaufes  confefs,  that  you  indeed 
deferve  liberty,  who  fo  well  underftand  it, 
fo  paffionately  love  it,  fo  temperately  enjoy 
it,  and  fo  wifely,  bravely,  and  virtuoufly,  af- 
fert,  maintain,  and  defend  it. 

"  Certe  ego  libertatem  qua  mi  hi  a  parente 
"  meo  tradita  eft,  experiar,  verum  id  fruf- 
"  tra,  an  ob  rem  faciam,  in  veftra  manu 
"  Jitum  eft,  quirites" 

"  For  my  part,  I  am  refolved  ftrenuoufly 
to  contend  for  the  liberty  delivered  down  to 
me  from  my  anceftors  ;  but  whether  I  mall 
do  this  effectually  or  not,  depends  on  you, 
my  countrymen." 

T 


146  LETTER     XII. 

How  little  foever  one  is  able  to  write,  yet, 
when  the  liberties  of  one's  country  are  threat 
ened,  it  is  ftill  more  difficult  to  be  iilent. 

A     FARMER. 


Is  there  not  the  greatejl  reafon  to  hope,  if 
the  univerfal  fenfe  of  the  colonies  is  immedi 
ately  exprejl,  by  refohes  of  the  ajfemblies,  in 
fupport  of  their  rights'  by  inftruffions  to  their 
agents  on  the  fubjett ;  and  by  petitions  to  the 
crown  and  parliament  for  redrefs ;  that  thofe 
meafures  will  have  the  fame  fuccefs  now  that 
they  had  in  the  time  of  the  Stamp-aft. 


To  the  ingenious  Author  of 
certain  patriotic  Letters,  fub- 
fcribed  A  FARMER. 

MUCH  RESPECTED  SIR, 

WHEN  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
numerous  and  loyal  inhabitants  of  this 
extenfive  continent  are  in  imminent  danger, 
— when  the  inveterate  enemies  of  thefe  colo 
nies  are  not  more  amduous  to  forge  fetters 
for  them,  than  diligent  to  delude  the  people, 
and  zealous  to  perfuade  them  to  an  indolent 
acquiefcence :  At  this  alarming  period,  when 
to  reluct  is  deemed  a  revolt,  and  to  oppofe 
fuch  meafures  as  are  injudicious  and  deftruc- 
tive,  is  conftrued  as  a  formal  attempt  to  fub- 
vert  order  and  government ;  when  to  reafon 
is  to  rebel ;  and  a  ready  fubmiffion  to  the 
rod  of  power,  is  follicited  by  the  tenders  of 
place  and  patronage,  or  urged  by  the  me 
nace  of  danger  and  difgrace  :  'Tis  to  YOU, 
worthy  SIR,  that  AMERICA  is  obliged,  for 
a  moft  feafonable,  fenfible,  loyal,  and  vigo 
rous  vindication  of  her  invaded  rights  and 
liberties:  'Tis  to  YOU,  the  diftinguimed  ho 
nour  is  due  ;  that  when  many  of  the  friends 
of  liberty  were  ready  to  fear  its  utter  fubver- 
fion  :  Armed  with  truth,  fupported  by  the 
immutable  laws  of  nature,  the  common  in 
heritance  of  man,  and  leaning  on  the  pillars 
of  the  BRITISH  conftitution;  you  feafonably 
brought  your  aid,  oppofed  impending  ruin, 
awakened  the  moft  indolent  and  inactive,  to 
a  fenfe  of  danger,  re-animated  the  hopes  of 
thofe,  who  had  before  exerted  themfelves 


in  the  caufe  of  freedom,  and  inftructed  AME 
RICA  in  the  beft  means  to  obtain  redrefs. 

Nor  is  this  weftern  world  alone  indebted 
to  your  wifdom,  fortitude,  and  patrio- 
tifm  :  GREAT-BRITAIN  alfo  may  be  con 
firmed  by  you,  that  to  be  truly  great 
and  fuccefsful,  me  muft  be  juft :  That  to 
opprefs  AMERICA,  is  to  violate  her  own 
honours,  defeat  her  brighteft  profpects,  and 
contract  her  fpreading  empire. 

To  fuch  eminent  worth  and  virtue,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  of  BOSTON,  the 
capital  of  the  province  of  the  MASSACHU 
SETTS-BAY,  in  full  town  meeting  afTembled, 
exprefs  their  earlier!  gratitude.  Actuated 
themfelves  by  the  fame  generous  principles, 
which  appear  with  fo  much  luftre  in  your 
ufeful  labours,  they  will  not  fail  warmly  to 
recommend,  and  induftrioufly  to  promote 
that  union  among  the  feveral  colonies,  which 
is  fo  indifpenfably  necefTary  for  the  fecurity 
of  the  whole. 

Tho'  fuch  fuperior  merit  muft  afTuredly, 
in  the  clofeft  recefs,  enjoy  the  divine  fatif- 
faction  of  having  ferved,  and  poffibly  faved 
this  people ;  tho'  veiled  from  our  view, 
you  modeftly  mun  the  deferved  applaufe  of 
millions ;  permit  us  to  intrude  upon  your 
retirement,  and  falute  The  FARMER,  as 
the  FRIEND  OF  AMERICANS,  and  the 
common  benefactor  of  mankind. 

Bo/Ion^  March  22,  1768. 

The  above  letter  was  read,  and  unanimously  accepted 
by  the  town,  and  ordered  to  be  publifhed  in  the  feveral 
news-papers.  Atteft.  WILLIAM  COOPER,  Town-Clerk. 


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